come multi-stranded or plaited, among
other themes or designs. If you are
looking forward to getting a diamond jewelry
eternity ring—whether as a wedding or
engagement, for purely personal
satisfaction, or a major investment—take
note of its special characteristics aside
from carefully examining the 4Cs—the cut,
clarity, color, and carat weight.
In a jewelry
store, two diamonds may look alike but
they can be very different and just like two
diamonds of equal size that have
very
different values. The four qualities of a
diamond namely color, clarity, cut and carat
weight determine the real value of the gem
you are looking for. These standards are
also applicable to most gemstones.
Usually, a full
diamond eternity ring costs twice or thrice
as much than the half eternity because it
has more diamonds. More and more
people—especially women—focus in buying half
diamond eternity rings that have stones
concentrated in the “head” or front of the
ring because they can easily be sized
compared to full eternity rings, more
comfortable to wear, and less expensive.
Bear in mind
that square, oblong and round stones are
excellent choices for diamond eternity rings
because of its continuity.
Don’t forget to
compare prices. Diamond eternity rings need
not always be expensive. If you have found a
design that you really admire in a specific
jewelry store or an online jeweler, try
looking in other stores because they might
be selling the same product
with the same
specifications for a lesser price. Make sure
that you at least have a minor comparison of
prices from several different jewelers
before you finally buy that princess cut
diamond engagement ring.
Check and
double-check the bill of sale carefully.
After buying your dream diamond eternity
ring, make sure that everything about the
ring is fully described in written from and
explained to you by the jeweler. This content
is provided by Low Jeremy and may be used
only in its entirety with all links
included.
Author
Low Jeremy For more info on
Diamond Ring, please visit
http://diamond-ring.articlekeep.com
Diamond
Cutting Basics
The art of diamond cutting is not
particularly old in the western world.
It is believed that Europeans traveling
to India first picked up the basic idea
from the Indians but it was not until
the sixteenth century that anything of
value came out of the early experiments.
Some of these early cuts were called
rose cuts because they resembled the
look of roses. Basically, they were
triangular shaped facets cut in a
symmetric pattern on the top of the
diamond with the bottom of the
diamond jewelry
left flat for mounting into something.
However, it was not until the 20th
century that a full application of the
technology of reflecting light was
applied to diamond cutting. Today
mathematical calculations on computers
are often used to help determine the cut
of a diamond jewelry. There is still an art to
cutting diamonds but science is the
bigger factor in modern cut diamonds.
Diamonds when they are first mined
are relatively bland looking. You
could easily mistake one for just a
simple shiny rock or over look it
completely. It is estimated that 98
percent of the brilliance of modern cut
diamonds comes from the cut, not the
clarity, size or color, so the cut of a
diamond is extremely important. The cut
or make of diamonds is actually the sum
of 3 separate factors:
1. The proportions of the cuts, 2.
The finish or polish of the diamond and
3. The symmetry of the diamonds facets.
The complete purpose of all three is to
reflect as much light back out of the
diamond jewelry as is possible, to figuratively
light up a dark room.
Of these three the proportions
represent the actual finished overall
shape of the diamond. Although the
exact dimensional ratios for an ideal
cut
diamond jewelry have not been agreed upon
internationally, the terminology used is
standard around the world. Table, crown,
crown height, crown angle, girdle,
pavilion, pavilion depth and pavilion
angle are the basic standard terms used
to describe the proportions of a cut
diamond. If you look down at a diamond
set in a diamond ring the top most flat
part is called the table. The largest
diameter of the diamond as you look down
on it further is called the girdle. This
top part of the diamond from the girdle
up to the table is called the crown and
of course the crown height and crown
angle refer to the depth of this part of
the diamond and the angle from the
girdle up to the table. The part of the
diamond that you don't see when you look
down at a diamond ring is called the
pavilion, the part from the girdle down
to the bottom of the diamond. The bottom
of a modern diamond is generally
pointed. The distance down from the
girdle to this point is called the
pavilion depth. The angle from the
girdle edge to this point is the
pavilion angle.
The polish of a diamond is pretty
much self-explanatory. It is a lot
like when you polish your car. Sometimes
there are marks left and sometimes the
car wash does a better job than other
times. In a similar fashion, the diamond
finish is graded by the diamond
industry. Good, very good, excellent and
ideal for example are grade designations
for polished diamonds. Author Michael Russell
A Collection of DIAMOND CRYSTALS with Notes
on the Science, History, and Worldwide
Localities of Diamonds
Natural diamond
crystals are among the most elegant and
charismatic of mineralogical collectibles,
but they are relatively rare in collections
because of their high value as gemstones and
diamond jewelry,
their typically rather small size and their
limited availability outside of the gem
trade. Diamond jewelry also represent a rich and
extensive cultural history, a broad
geographical distribution, and a fascinating
geological history still being puzzled out
by researchers.
Introduction
Diamonds have been found on every continent
in the world, with the possible exception of
Antarctica, and have been mined from
hundreds of deposits worldwide since at
least 800 B.C. Enormous stockpiles are held
in reserve by DeBeers, the preeminent
clearinghouse for world diamonds, and by the
Russian Diamond Fund. Diamond can hardly be
said to be a rare mineral, despite its
traditionally high market value. Despite
this seeming abundance of diamonds over the
centuries, and the presence of at least
token crystals in many 18th and 19th-century
mineral collections (some of which are
illustrated here for comparison), relatively
few collectors, especially in recent times,
have ever attempted to specialize in the
species. One of the early diamond
specialists was the British collector Sir
Abraham Hume (1749-1838), whose fine
collection of 107 diamond crystals was
cataloged by Count de Bournon in 1815.
Another early British collector, Charles
Hampden Turner (whose mineral collection was assembled for
him by the mineral dealer Henry Heuland),
possessed 109 examples of diamond. Armand
Levy, who prepared Turner's published
collection catalog in 1838, remarked that it
was impossible to identify the locality for
any given diamond crystal based on its habit
alone, and so localities were generally not
cited in the catalog, but Levy guessed that
most of Turner's diamond crystals were
probably from Brazil. The extravagant
Ecuadorean collector in Paris, Don Pedro
Davilla (ca. 17101775), had a mere 16
diamond crystals in his enormous collection
of over 8,000 total specimens. The Austrian
banker and businessman Jacob Friedrich von
der Null, whose huge mineral collection,
curated by the prominent mineralogist
Friedrich Mohs, was considered to be the
best in Vienna, owned 36 diamond crystals (Mohs,
1804). Also in Austria, Ignaz von Born
assembled a suite of nine crystals for Mile.
Eleanore de Raab in 1791. In the 20th
century, Paul seel (1904-1982) assembled a
collection of several hundred diamond
crystals, each of which "illustrated some
morphological fact" (Desautels, 1970).
It
was considered by Paul Desautels to be the
finest and largest collection of diamond
crystals then in existence-and considering
his authoritative knowledge of collections
worldwide, we can safely accept his judgment. Such collections remain rare today,
both because of the high unit cost of good
specimens and because the international
diamond market is not set up for the
distribution of collector-quality uncut
crystals. Rough gem-quality diamonds are
normally sold only in parcels which cannot
be cherry-picked for individual pieces.
These parcels are always purchased (usually
in Amsterdam) by commercial cutters or by
dealers in abrasives, who have no interest
in or awareness of diamond crystals as
Photo
by jordanrich1
specimens. Therefore the acquisition of
collector-quality crystals normally requires
the help of someone who is either involved
in the commercial end of the diamond trade
or who has especially good personal
connections in Amsterdam, or both.
 |
A 603
Karat Diamond comes from the Letseng
Mine in Lesotho -
South Africa- named the "Lesotho
Promise". |
Recently the Mineralogical Record was given
access to a remarkable private collection of
diamond crystals. The specimens were
acquired by dealers Jack Greenspan and David
New over the last 20 years or so. Jack
filtered his specimens out of commercial
lots purchased for his business in abrasives
and saw blades; Dave got his through
personal connections with diamond merchants
in Amsterdam, who were willing to set aside
for him a particularly nice single crystal
every once in a while. The private collector
who acquired the specimens from these
gentlemen was thereby able to assemble an
extraordinary diamond collection. Since such
a collection is so unusual, we thought that
Mineralogical Record readers would like an
opportunity to see the specimens and learn
something about the geology, cultural
contexts and mining histories of the
localities represented.
The crystal forms of the diamonds cover a
familiar range: there are simple
octahedrons, cubes and dodecahedrons,
and there are combinations of these; there
are single crystals and clusters of
crystals, and there are the characteristic,
flattened triangular shapes of "made" spinel-law
twins. Some of the crystal faces are convex
to varying degrees, some are slightly rough,
and inspection with a loupe reveals growth
trigons on some. A few crystals are highly
lustrous and gemmy while others are duller;
inclusions may or may not be naked-eye
visible.
The physical appearance of diamonds,
even large ones, is predictable in many
ways, and yet their historical/cultural and
even geological histories always have a
special fascination. We are talking, after
all, about diamonds: adamas was the Greek
root word, always carrying connotations of
magic powers, invincible strength and the
workings of strong, brazen gods.
Before looking specifically at the
localities for the 52 diamonds pictured here
from the collection, a brief historical
overview of diamond mining and a summary of
the exotic geological "story" that all
localities have in common is in order.
Some HISTORY
Very few modern mineral collections can
boast diamond crystals from India, and
yet the roots of diamond romance and diamond
commerce lie unmistakably there. The world's
"first" diamonds were taken from Indian
riverbeds as long ago, perhaps, as 800 B.C.
(www.diamondcutters.com); a Sanskrit
manuscript, the Artha-Sastra, mentions a
king of the Maurya dynasty (320-298 B.C.)
who regulated an active local diamond trade
(Maillard, 1980). Legends associated with
the invasion of India by Alexander the Great
speak of a "Valley of Diamonds," narrow and
deep but laden with gems: men would kill and
flay sheep, cast quarters of raw flesh into
the chasm, let birds of prey eat the flesh,
then kill the birds when they soared out of
the chasm, collecting the diamonds which had
adhered to the feathers. Variations of this
core story spread to China, and later into
the Persian and Arab worlds, reaching Europe
in 1298, when Marco Polo repeated it in his
Book of Marvels. Other early legends claimed
that Indian diamonds had the power to
neutralize magnetism, and that the most
precious diamonds are those which float in
water (this one is puzzling, given the high
specific gravity of the mineral). Four
general grades of Indian diamonds were
associated in various ways with the four
castes into which classical Hinduism divides
humankind. Diamonds could either poison or
heal, bring bad luck or good. A myth
repeated by Pliny claimed that the diamond's
"invincible force" can be "broken" only by
applying to the stone the blood of a hegoat:
the myth was later allegorized in Christian
terms, the diamond being identified with
Christ, the he-goat with Satanic powers (Maillard,
1980).
The ancient Romans loved Indian diamonds,
and traded for them with native merchants
around the "Gulf of Cambay" (today, the Gulf
of Khambat, above Mumbai). From the days of
the Roman Republic, through the centuries of
the Empire, the medieval period, and into
the Renaissance,
Photo by
jordanrich1
diamonds were brought from
India to Europe via two main trade arteries:
an overland route, passing through Persia
and Byzantium to Rome or Venice, and a
southern route, traversing the Indian Ocean
and running up through Arabia to Alexandria,
and thence to Italy. In the 17th century,
the French traveler Jean-Baptiste Tavernier
visited some of the Indian diamond mines and
brought back much valuable
informationincluding legends, already richly
textured, about the fabulous Kohi-Noor
("Mountain of Light") diamond. This, the
first of the world's major named diamonds,
reportedly weighed 600 carats originally,
and is now to be seen, facet-cut, in the
crown of the English Queen Mother. The great
blue "Hope" diamond, now in the Smithsonian,
was also found in India, and is likewise
couched about with ancient mythic tales,
mostly involving the bad luck it brought to
its owners.
Most Indian diamonds were harvested
from alluvial deposits in the gravels of
stream beds, possibly very far from the
primary kimberlite pipes. However, some also
were probably found in loose eluvium just
above a pipe or in colluvial ground adjacent
to it. One Greek account of about 120 B.C.
speaks tantalizingly of underground diamond
mines with deep galleries (Maillard, 1980);
these were probably not mines in kimberlite
but deep diggings in diamond-bearing
conglomerates, called "the pits of Panna" by
Williams (1905).
Five areas in India produced diamonds,
and one, the largest and richest, became
famous under the name "Golconda mines," or
"the Kingdom of Golconda," since the town of
Golconda was its capital and the center of a
large diamond trade (Williams, 1905; Harlow,
1998). all that remains of the opulent
"Kingdom" today is a ruined fort near
Hyderabad, and the only modern producing
diamond mine in India exploits the Majhgawan
lamproite pipe near Panna, producing
annually about 20,000 carats-0.2% of world
output (Levinson et ai, 1992).
During the European Renaissance, Dutch
and Portuguese traders competed for Indian
diamonds, while at the same time the
Portuguese, from their infant colonies on
the African coasts, attempted to penetrate
the African interior. The Portuguese hoped
to find the wealth of "Ophir," the legendary
home of the biblical Queen of Sheba and of
King Solomon's mines, whence had supposedly
come the diamonds (?) on the breastplate of
the High Priest of ancient Jerusalem.
Nothing came of these early African quests,
but Indian diamonds meanwhile poured into
Europe along the main internal trade routes
running at first from Venice to Antwerp, and
then later from Lisbon to Amsterdam. Around
1464 the "Sancy" diamond from India, then
owned by Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy,
was refashioned as a fine facet-cut gem by
"the true artist Louis de Berquem of
Bruges," in modern Belgium (Williams, 1905),
and by the early 16th century a
diamond-cutting industry was beginning to
flourish in Antwerp. Between the 16th and
18th centuries, first Amsterdam, then
London, became the capital of the diamond
world. Although Dutch merchants kept
investing heavily in the Indian diamond
trade, the English by the early 18th century
had acquired near-monopoly control of Indian
diamonds, and had supplanted the Dutch-by
which time, however, the discovery of
Brazilian diamonds brought Portugal once
more into the game. For a full account of
these early-capitalistic maneuvers involving
diamonds, and their entwinements with
European power politics, see Maillard
(1980).
The era of Indian diamonds ended in 1725,
when some shiny stones found by Brazilian
garimpeiros in an alluvial gold deposit near
the town of Tejuco (now Diamantina), in
Minas Gerais, proved to be diamonds. The
Brazilian era continued until the South
African discoveries of the 1860's, and South
African diamond production monopolized the
field until the first decades of the 20th
century. South Africa is still a significant
producer, but since about 1920 Zaire (now
the Congo Republic), Angola, Botswana,
Russia and Australia, in that chronological
order, have all surpassed it in annual
output. Zaire produces mainly industrial
diamonds, and has been doing so since the
First World War, when the country was known
as the Belgian Congo. Zaire's diamondiferous
region lies near the Angolan border, where
crystals are found in alluvial gravels and
mined from a large kimberlite pipe at
Mbuji-Mayi. This country has been so
prolific since about 1920 that,
surprisingly, it leads the world in total
production, as measured by carat weight, for
the entire period from antiquity to 1990.
Zaire's total all-time figure is 718,117,000
carats, and South Africa, with 446,856,000
carats, comes in second (Levinson et al,
1992).
Kimberlite pipes were first prospected in
the Yakutia Craton of northeastern Siberia,
Russia, after World War II. There are three
major diamond-producing fields here: the
adjacent Daldyn and Alakit fields and, about
400 km to the south, the Malaya Botuobiya
field. In the summer of 1955, within ten
days of each other, the Udachnaya
("success") kimberlite was discovered in
Daldyn, and the Mir ("peace") kimberlite was
discovered in Malaya-Butuobiya. These
occurrences have become fairly well known to
mineral collectors, as small numbers of
their matrix specimens of diamond crystals
in kimberlite have reached western collector
markets (Sullivan, 1978; Moore, 1995). The
mine at Mir is now idle and flooded, but
Udachnaya continues to produce diamonds, as
does a very large pipe called jubilileynaya
("Jubilee"). The Yakutia Craton is now the
world's second most productive geological
province for gem-quality diamonds, after the
Kalahari Craton in southern Africa (Harlow,
1998).
Diamonds from the United States have
been nothing more than small sideshows on
the world scene. The "Crater of Diamonds" at
Murfreesboro, Arkansas remains a popular
site for tourist diggers in loose "dry
ground"; diamonds were first found there in
1906, above what was first called a
kimberlite, but is now known to be a
lamproitc diatreme (Kidwell, 1990). In the
early 1960's, some kimberlite diatremes in
Laramie County, Colorado and adjacent parts
of Wyoming were found to be diamondiferous
(Collins, 1982), and 327 carats' worth of
small octahedral crystals were recovered in
the early 1990's (Moore, 1997). California
also hosts at least one primary deposit, at
Leek
Photo by
jordanrich1
Springs near Jamestown. Vastly more
promising for the future are the diamonds of Canadaa country which bestrides the enormous
North American cratonic region, and where,
given the vastness of the potential ground,
exploration still must be said to be in its
early stages. Kimberlite swarms have been
located in Saskatchewan and Alberta, but the
real excitement during the late 1990's was
occasioned by the discovery of
diamondiferous diatremes lying around and
under Lac de Gras, in the Arctic wilderness
of the central Northwest Territories: see
Kevin Krajick's recent book Barren Lands
(2001) for an exciting account of events
leading to the opening of the Ekati diamond
mine there, in 1998.
Presently Venezuela, Guyana, Indonesia,
Liberia, Ivory Coast, Lesotho and Swaziland
all produce some diamonds; and alluvial
mining in the northwestern part of Hunan
Province, China has recently yielded a
beautiful 1.2-cm made twin which appeared in
Tucson around ten years ago (Moore, 1993).
THE ORIGIN OF DIAMONDS
Before the latter half of the 19th century,
all diamonds were mined from alluvium: the
antique crystals from India and Brazil had
been found in sediments, loose or lithified,
and science had no idea of how the mineral
formed in its native rock, or indeed what
that rock might be. But the great South
African diamond discoveries in the 1860's
revealed the rare rock type kimberlite to be
the true home of diamonds. The first gem
crystals were found loose in the so-called
"yellow ground" of weathered kimberlite, and
soon the unaltered "blue ground" below was
found to contain riches too.
Kimberlite is typically a greenish gray,
chowdery-looking igneous rock formed from a
magna very rich in volatiles (chiefly CO2
and H2O). The rock is composed of large,
irregularly shaped fragments chaotically
mixed in a fine-grained groundmass. Whether
these "fragments" are phenocrysts
crystallized directly from the kimberlite
melt or xenolithic inclusions of other rock
types was a question which went unresolved
for some decades.
Kirkley et al. (1991) define kimberlite as
follows:
A hybrid, volatile-rich, potassic,
ultramafic igneous rock derived from deep in
the earth (>150 km below the surface) which
occurs near the surface as small volcanic
pipes, dikes and sills [the latter two
structures are very rare]. It is composed
principally of olivine . . . with lesser
amounts of phlogopite, diopside, serpentine,
calcite, garnet, ilmenite, spinel, and/or
other minerals; diamond is only a rare
constituent.
Research eventually established that
diamonds come from the included bodies in
kimberlite, not from the groundmass; that
these bodies are xenoliths, not phenocrysts;
and that the xenoliths (and, therefore, the
diamonds) are much older than the kimberlite
which carried them to the surface.
A deep-seated origin for kimberlite was
suspected by early investigators, not only
because of its composition, but also because
it was found in South Africa as great,
carrot-shaped "pipes," the point of the
carrot connecting with a system of "feeder"
fissures reaching to unknown depths. Of the
South African kimberlites exploited by the
first mines, some were much more deeply
weathered than others, but the general shape
of these peculiar structures soon became
apparent by comparing what could be seen in
the various workings.
Three general zones of a typical kimberlite
pipe have been distinguished. (1) The root
zone, from the point of the carrot two or
three kilometers down and below, generally
marks the lower limit of economically
profitable mining (even when erosion has
brought the root near the surface, the
volume of ore is scant). But the pinch-out
of the structure is never quite complete;
the feeder system is now believed to reach
to depths of at least 150 km, i.e. well into
the upper mantle. (2) The main body of the
pipe widens upwards, and is composed of
highly brecciated kimberlite and other rock
types. The breccia fragments come from the
country
Photo by jordanrich1 rocks through which the pipe has
passed, and from earlier pulses of the kimberlite which hardened before later
pulses shattered it during the explosive
release of gases. At the top of the pipe,
(3) the crater zone originally consisted of
a low-relief crater called a maar. This
crater area, if it still exists, may be
water-filled and may contain substantial
amounts of weathered kimberlite "yellow
ground." Around the shallow maar craters on
the surface there was originally a ring of
volcanoclastic debris, called a "tuff ring,"
about 50 meters high. In most deposits this
ring is now gone-it has been observed only
in a few places in Tanzania and
Botswana-because the deposits are of great
age and the clastic debris weathers away
very quickly. In fact, kimberlite rock
generally weathers quickly: hence the
considerable thickness of many yellow-ground
beds where the "dry diggings" of South
Africa's early diamond rushes took place.
The ascent of kimberlite through overlying
rocks is classified broadly as a volcanic
event, although kimberlite magma clearly
originates at much greater depths than do
the more common basaltic and granitic
magmas. Because these types of bodies are so
different from ordinary volcanic pipes they
have been given a different name: diatremes.
Since no kimberlite diatremes have been
observed in the process of eruption during
man's time on earth (the youngest ones
known, in Namibia and Tanzania, date from
the Eocene, i.e. at about 55 million years
ago), it was a challenge to the imaginations
of early investigators to try to picture the
eruptive events. With selfconscious
vagueness Alpheus Williams (1932) wrote that
the kimberlite extrusions "never existed as
volcanoes as we understand true volcanoes,
but . . . they existed, at all stages, as
eruptive fissures." The currently accepted
picture is that kimberlite is emplaced as a
slurry of brecciated, gas-rich material
which, though originally molten at depth,
rises explosively through the pipe as a
"cold" solid, with multiple pulses of new
material shattering already solidified
material above. The overall speed of ascent
is a fantastic (geologically speaking) 10 to
30 km per hour. At the point in the main
body of the diatreme where pressure drops
enough to allow the dissolved volatiles to
come out of solution, the slurry becomes
effectively jet-propelled, rising at
velocities of several hundred kilometers per
hour during the final few hundred meters (Kirkley
et al, 1991). Thus the diamonds transported
from where they had rested in "storage" for
perhaps 3 billion years at the bases of
continental cratons (see later) reach the
surface in an ascent that takes only four to
fifteen hours (Kirkley et al., 1991). The
eruption climaxes in near-surface explosions
of expanding gases and spewings of
volcanoclastic debris that any observers
present would have found extremely dramatic.
That the kimberlite which fills the upper
parts of the pipe arrives "cold," rather
than as lava, is shown by the fact that
there are no indications of thermal effects,
such as contact metamorphism, along the
walls of the pipe. Furthermore, in some
diamond deposits described by Williams
(1932), unburned tree trunks and other
organic material that collapsed into the
crater and became embedded in the kimberlite
as it surged up and down have been
encountered at considerable depths.
It is interesting to note that diamonds
which reach the surface via the kimberlite
fast-express are metastable (which is to say
that all diamonds we have are metastable):
they only remain diamonds, instead of
disintegrating or pseudomorphing to
graphite, because their rate of ascent was
too fast to allow re-equilibration. A small
kimberlite pipe at Beni Bouchera, Morocco
has yielded fairly sharp,
multi-centimeter-sized octahedral "crystals"
of graphite paramorphic after diamond:
presumably the rate of ascent in this
particular pipe was slow enough to allow the
crystallographic reorganization to take
place (Bob Downs, personal communication,
2002).
A second rock type, lamproite, which
likewise erupts from great depths to form
pipes, can also be diamondiferous. Lamproite
is less gas-rich than kimberlite and its
eruptions are less violent; the near-surface
configurations of lamproite pipes tend to be
wider (champagne-glass-shaped) than those of
kimberlite (Harlow, 1998). Lamproite is also
somewhat different mineralogically (see the
later discussion of the Argyle mine in
Australia), although the diamonds in the two
rock types do not seem to differ in any
important way. Lamproites, like kimberlites,
occur in the continental cratons, or on
their margins, and, also like kimberlites,
range very widely in age: the Argyle
lamproite pipe is about 1,200 million years
old, but the Ellendale lamproite pipe, only
400 km from the Argyle, was intruded in the
Miocene, only 20 million years ago (Kirkley
et al., 1991).
Photo by
jordanrich1
But where and how do the diamonds originate?
This was the mystery which a great number of
theorists began trying to solve as soon as
the South African kimberlite pipes were
discovered. When, in 1905, De Beers
general manager Gardner F. Williams
published the two volumes of The Diamond
Mines of South Africa, little headway had
yet been made on the question of how and
where diamonds form, but by 1932, when his
son, Alpheus F. Williams, published his own
two-volume work, The Genesis of the Diamond,
three broad classes of theories had evolved.
Some geologists argued that the diamonds
crystallized in situ out of kimberlite magma
during the time when the (presumed) magma
was solidifying in the pipe. Other
geologists also thought that diamonds
crystallized out of kimberlite, but argued
that they did so at depth, before the ascent
of the pipe. A third school held that the
diamonds formed at depth in ultramafic rocks
other than kimberlite, and were later caught
up in the kimberlite melt, as constituents
of xenoliths (Williams, 1932). The first of
these theories was a casualty of the
realization that near-surface kimberlite is
emplaced as a cold solid, not as a magma.
The other two theories remained for several
more decades in active contention, being
called informally the "phenocryst school"
and the "xenolith school" (Kirkley et al.,
1991). Alpheus Williams himself adhered to
the phenocryst school, presenting at great,
careful length in his book the argument that
the large included fragments in kimberlite
are of essentially the same composition as
the fine-grained groundmass, i.e. that the
fragments are cognate, not xenolithic.
However, the debate is now settled: the
fragments are indeed xenoliths, and diamond
crystals are not products of the kimberlite
but, as components of xenoliths, are mere
passengers on the kimberlite fast-express to
the surface. This triumph of the xenolith
school is a product of two basic lines of
mid to late 20th-century
Photo by
jordanrich1
research: (1) petrological study of the xenoliths
themselves, as correlated with evolving
knowledge of the earth's mantle and of
plate-tectonic processes, and (2) modern
analytical studies utilizing sophisticated
instruments for the investigation of the
mineral components of the inclusions in
diamonds, and of the ages of these
inclusions.
The xenoliths found in kimberlite (and
lamproite) are of two rock types, both
known to be common in the upper mantle
around and under the continental plates:
eclogite, and a more broadly defined type
generally called peridotite. Eclogite is a
coarse-grained, attractively colored
red-and-green rock consisting of about 50%
garnet (almandine-pyrope) and 50%
clinopyroxene, with minor rutile, kyanite,
corundum and coesite; it is thought to
result from profound metamorphism of
subducted basalt under tectonically active
margins of continental plates (basalt and
eclogite are identical in their bulk
chemistry-Kirkley et al., 1991). By
contrast, the xenoliths classed as "peridotite"
average about 50% olivine (forsterite), 40%
pyroxene, and 10% garnet. Diamonds are known
to occur in three peridotite subtypes:
dunite (90% olivine), harzburgite (40-90%
olivine, the rest orthopyroxene and garnet),
and Iherzolite (at least 40% olivine, with
orthopyroxene and clinopyroxene in a wide
range of proportions, and minor garnet).
Peridotite of these varying types, as found
just beneath the crust in the stable
interior zones of continents (cratons),
probably is primordial upper-mantle
material, having remained little changed
since the first differentiation of crust
from mantle in the very early earth (see
later).
Diamonds which have been brought to the
surface in eclogite or peridotite xenoliths
have come to be called respectively "E-type"
and "P-type" diamonds. Either may be found
still embedded within the host xenoliths or
floating in the kimberlite groundmass after
the fragmentation of xenoliths during the
violent events of ascent. Eclogite, being
the tougher of the two rock types, is found
much more commonly as intact xenoliths in kimberlite at the surface. Eclogite
xenoliths are commonly fresh-looking,
whereas the much rarer peridotite xenoliths
are usually crumbly and/or altered around
their rims. Studies of inclusions in
diamonds have shown that P-type diamonds are
much more common than E-type diamonds, even
though the greater survival rate of eclogite
matrix fragments would seem to suggest the
reverse. This is one illustration of how the
study of the xenoliths alone can be
misleading unless supplemented by
diamond-inclusion studies.
Research on inclusions in diamonds began to
yield hard results in the 1970's, with the
attainment of required levels of
sophistication in X-ray diffraction
techniques, electron and ion microprobe
analyses, and the dating of trace isotopes
(Meyer, 1985; Kirkley et al., 1991). These
minute inclusions (mostly around 1 µm, or
0.001 mm), having been shielded from later
changes by the enclosing diamond, represent
our best and most pristine samples of
mineral suites from upper mantle rocks.
Although most diamonds show inclusions of
only one mineral species, polymineralic
inclusions are (fortunately) also found.
Thus far, 22 mineral species (including
diamond itself) have been identified as
inclusions in diamonds, and although
Photo by
jordanrich1
six of
these may be found either in eclogite or
peridotite, detailed analyses have revealed
two mutually exclusive assemblages of
included minerals, making it possible to
assign 98% of all included diamonds to
either the E (eclogite) or the P (peridotite)
categories (Meyer, 1985).
It has also been possible to draw some
inferences about the temperature and
pressure conditions, and therefore the
depths of diamond formation, in these two
rock types. Correlating with these results
are the isotopic age-dating studies of the
tiny inclusions, which have led to the
approximate dating of the formation of the
host rocks, and therefore the ages of their
diamonds (it is not yet possible to age-date
diamonds directly).
Both of these lines of research indicate
that upper-mantle eclogites and peridotites
formed at different times and by different
processes in the deep earth, and that
kimberlite melts at depth may have taken up
diamond-bearing xenoliths from either
environment (or from both), for transport to
the surface. It remains to consider the
nature of these two environments, and to
summarize current thinking which seeks to
correlate the distribution of diamondiferous
diatremes with plate-tectonic processes.
Geothermal and geobarometric studies of
e-type diamonds have shown that these
diamonds have a higher temperature of
crystallization, and form at greater depths,
than P-type diamonds (Meyer, 1985; Kirkley
et al, 1991). Eclogite, as already
mentioned, is characteristic of very deep
parts of subduction zones, well within the
upper mantle below continental platforms,
where the subducted basalt of the former sea
floor metaphorphoses to eclogite. P-type
diamonds, on the other hand, are believed to
form in peridotites of the shallower upper
mantle; they come from depths in the range
of 150-200 km below the surface, whereas
E-type diamonds from one South African mine,
for example, have been assigned depths of
formation of more than 300 km. Radiometrie
dating of trace isotopes of Rb-Sr, Sm-Nd,
and U-Pb in the inclusions has revealed that
all of the diamonds occurring in the
peridotite xenoliths are around 3 billion
years old. This theme of immense age was
also sounded quite early in the modern
history of diamond studies, for it was
realized early that most of the earth's
swarms of kimberlitepipe intrusions occur in
stable continental cratons of Archaean age.
The now-favored model of the genesis of
P-type diamonds involves the insight that
"in Archaean times there was a unique
process accompanying crustal formation: a
combination of melt extraction, fluid
interaction, and diamond crystallization
that sometimes left a relatively cool,
rigid, deep keel beneath a continental
plate" (Harlow, 1998). From the plausible
hypothesis that these isothermally defined
"keels" below the cratons have remained
constant through all geologic time since the
Archaean, it is inferred that P-type
diamonds were formed no later than about 3
billion years ago, and at depths of 150-200
kilometers.
The question of the source(s) of the carbon
in diamond has also been considered. In
carbon-isotope studies of diamonds, the term
O13C denotes the ratio of the carbon
isotopes C12 and C11; these studies have
found stark differences between the carbon
in P-type and E-type diamonds. In the
former, there is a very tight clustering of
[delta]^sup 13^C values within a narrow
range, whereas in the latter there is a much
wider [delta]^sup 13^C distribution across a
broad range. This is to say that the carbon
in P-type diamonds had a uniform and stable
source in the upper mantle: it is thought to
be "primitive" carbon which accumulated in a
stable convective zone perhaps 4.5 billion
years ago, at the time when the first
continental cratons were forming. (One
intriguing modern theory suggests also that
some of this "primitive" carbon may have
come from convection cells transporting
liquid metallic C to the upper mantle from
the lower mantle-Meyer, 1985.)
By contrast, the carbon in eclogitic
(E-type) diamonds is thought to have been
transported to deep levels with the basalt
of the subducted sea-floor plates, such that
when the basalt turned to eclogite, the
carbon turned to diamonds. In this case, the
sources of carbon might have included both
carbonaceous crustal sediments (e.g.
limestones from geosynclinal trenches) and
organic remains on the ancient seafloors.
The differences between the carbon of P-type
and E-type diamonds correlate well with the
derived ages of diamonds of the two types.
all P-type diamonds have been found to be
very old, at least 3 billion years, whereas
some E-type crystals are well under 1
billion years old-suggesting that E-type
diamonds may be the byproducts of different
tectonic cycles of differing ages. (These
age-dates for the diamonds themselves are
not to be confused, of course, with the
dates of intrusion of the kimberlite pipes,
which range, for known pipes, between 1,600
and 50 million years ago).
Since the discovery of the first African
kimberlites, the worldwide hunt for more
such structures has revealed a definite
pattern of distribution: kimberlite and
lamproite diatremes are almost always found
within the innermost, stable parts of
continental shields-the original and most
ancient, cratonic nuclei of continents. The
diagram shown here illustrates the most
favored current theory explaining how these
cratonic diatremes can contain both ?-type
and P-type diamonds. P-type diamonds repose
in the cooler thermal "keel" of very old
upper-mantle peridotite under the craton,
wherein they formed during very early times.
E-type diamonds occur in the eclogite below
this keel, which has been subducted
(originally as sea-floor basalt), perhaps at
a much later time. A kimberlite diatreme
such as Kl on the diagram, having passed
through both regions, will contain diamonds
of both types, with those of the P-type
probably predominating. A diatreme such as
K2 will have "sampled" only the eclogite
region and thus will contain only E-type
diamonds. A diatreme, like K3, situated out
too far from the cratonic center, will have
"sampled" neither region and thus will be
barren of diamonds. Ll represents a
lamproite diatreme of the Argyle, Australia
type, situated near a cratonic margin and
containing both E-type and P-type diamonds,
perhaps because of a complex system of
interconnecting fractures at depth (Kirkley
et al.., 1991).
Although the general picture sketched above
would seem to account very well for the
great bulk of the world's diamonds, one
anomalous occurrence in New South Wales,
Australia has recently given rise to an
alternate model of diamond formation which
may sometimes apply. About two million
diamond crystals, with an aggregate weight
of about 500,000 carats, have been found in
alluvium in the Copeton-Bingara area, in
eastern New South Wales. Despite intensive
exploration, no kimberlite or lamproite
diatremes have been found in the area, and
the nearest cratonic block (west of Broken
Hill) is about 1,000 km away. If a nearby
source for the diamonds is posited, another
theory of their formation and/or transport
to the surface is needed, and such a theory
was published in 1996 by Barron et al. Very
briefly, these authors propose that the
diamonds were formed in subducted oceanic
plates along the eastern margins of
Australia, at only about half the depth
thought typical for diamond formation in the
subducted eclogites of the "standard" model
outlined above. When this oceanic crust
plunged under the continental plate, the
authors argue, it remained much cooler than
its surroundings; the combination of rapidly
increasing pressure and relatively low
temperature opened a "window" into the
stability field of diamond. Subduction then
stopped, preserving the diamonds which had
formed, and later these were transported to
the surface by non-kimberlitic magmas such
as leucitite, melilitite, nephelinite, and
basanite-"diamonds have been found in
several diatremes and dikes with these
compositions in eastern Australia" (Barron
et al, 1996). The authors correlate various
characteristics of the Copeton
diamonds-nitrogen content, color, carbon
isotopic composition and others-with several
rock types that presumably existed in the
original oceanic plates, and they propose
that, depending on the rock type, the carbon
was either of "primitive" origin or existed
as limestone or organic remains in trench
sediments. Some diamond formation, they
suggest, may even have been catalyzed by
natural fullerene carbon molecules. Once
formed, the diamonds rested in "cold
storage" in their static, partially
subducted rock slabs, whose temperatures
remained low, for up to 100 million years
before transport to the surface.
Obviously, the whole question of diamond
formation is still dynamically open, and
there are many remaining uncertainties even
in the "standard" picture. What, for
example, is the detailed nature of the
processes which accumulate carbon in the
primordial peridotites? How much of the
carbon in E-type diamonds is organic in
origin, and how young might the E-types
conceivably be? Why do kimberlite melts form
at depth, and what propels them so rapidly
to the surface? The sense of romance that
clings like an aura around diamonds arises
not only from their beauty, their gemstone
value, and their rich historical lore, but
also from the unsolved mysteries which still
persist in the shadowy, remote reaches of
deep-earth science.
Localities of Diamonds
Estralla do Sol, Mato Grosso Province,
Brazil
According to one story, Brazilian
diamonds were first noticed by a Portuguese,
Sebastino Lerne do Prado, when he saw gold
prospectors using them as chips in card
games, around 1725 (Maillard, 1980). Another
version of the story, recounted by Williams
(1905), says that it was black slaves who
conducted the card games. From 1728, when
the Portuguese government learned of the
stones, until the blossoming of South Africa
around 1870, Brazil reigned supreme in the
world for diamonds. Cassedanne (1989)
estimates that 13 million carats, or 2
metric tons, of diamonds were produced from
Brazilian fields over roughly a century.
During the 1730's, just after the first
discoveries, Europe's supply of diamonds
quadrupled, and diamond prices plummeted,
partly because of the mistaken feeling that
the new source of supply would prove
inexhaustible. all Brazilian diamonds were
declared to be the property of the
Portuguese state, and all diamond mining
declared to be a Crown monopoly. This simple
policy, based on simple state greed, ensured
that the industry would remain static,
without achieving major advances in mining
techniques or in economic development of the
diamond market (Williams, 1905).
Mid-20th-century prospecting revealed
hundreds of kimberlite outcrops in Brazil,
but all mining during the period 1725-1865
took place in alluvial, eluvial or colluvial
deposits. Some lithified "bedrock alluvial"
sites were worked by benched quarries, and
matrix specimens of diamond crystals in
coarse conglomerate were sometimes found.
Miners to this day may try to sell visitors
fake specimens of this type, with the
crystals glued onto the matrix (Cassedanne,
1989).
In the early days, mining was done by
slaves under the whips of the Portuguese.
After Brazilian independence there was much
freelance prospecting, and garimpeims often
formed co-operative organizations, the
miners sharing the work and dividing the
profits among themselves and with financial
backers, as well as with owners (if any) of
the lands hosting successful prospects.
Diamond fields speckle most of the southern
half of the country, but the richest sites,
and the earliest found, stretch along the Jequitinhonha River for many tens of
kilometers north of the town of Tejuco (Diamantina).
Diamonds there are found in gupiaras (coluvial
terraces high above the streambeds),
gorgulho (eluvial plateau deposits), and
cascalho (gravel deposits in the streams).
In the cascalho deposits, the most important
type, gravels were (and are) washed and
sorted in complex systems of hoses, pumps,
sluices, and washing crates, while women and
children comb adjacent parts of the
drainages for diamonds. A mechanized
dredging operation in the Jequitinhonha
River, 80 km downstream from Diamantina, is
the only contemporary Brazilian diamond
"mine," producing 1 carat of diamond and 1
gram of gold for each 100 cubic meters of
gravel (Maillard, 1980; Cassedanne, f989).
The featured collection's only Brazilian
diamond is a typically frosty and somewhat
irregular crystal measuring 1.3 cm and
weighing a little over 11 carats. It comes
not from Diamantina, Minas Gerais, but from
"Estralla do Sol, Mato Grosso." The province
of Mato Grosso is in west-central Brazil,
bordering Goias Province on the east and
Bolivia and Paraguay on the west; its
capital is the town of Diamantino, near
which the chief diamond field of the
province is located. Prospecting for
diamonds (and gold) in this remote region
has never been as intense as in the other
fields to the east. According to Cassedanne
(1989), "A period of excitement and wealth
was short-lived, ending in 1847 with the
decline in gold production. In the year of
1852 the Mato Grosso Mining Society went
bankrupt [and] the Diamantino prospect was
abandoned."
In recent years, however, diamond mining
activity has picked up in the province. Near
Diamantino and north of the city of Cuiaba,
a 63,000-hectare claim block now known as
the Mato Grosso Diamond Project was host to
a large-scale diamond rush in the 1960's,
when alluvial diamonds were first discovered
in the Morro Vermelho Formation. The
proliferation of high-quality diamonds being
found by prospectors in the area attracted
several major diamond mining companies, and
more than 50 kimberlite pipes were
discovered. Diamonds collected from the
property exhibit pristine or near-pristine
surfaces, suggesting a local source for the
significant number of alluvial diamonds
found on the claims. Eclogitic garnets have
also been found in two of the initial heavy
mineral samples collected. Iciena Ventures,
Inc. is part owner in the project, and
recently announced the acquisition of 47
prime diamond exploration permits covering
438,000 hectares in the states of Mato
Grosso and Rondonia, Brazil (www.iciena.com).
An area in the southern tip of the state
of Rondonia and the northwestern part of
the state of Mato Grosso also has large
reserves of diamonds. Mining is forbidden
there because it is in the protected
homeland of the Cinta Larga Indigenous
People; however, nearly 3000 garimpieros and
miners entered the area illegally to mine
diamonds in 1999, and eventually had to be
evicted by government troops. The Federal
Police estimates that gems amounting to 50
million dollars were smuggled from the
region to Belgium last year.
In the juina Diamond Province, Mato
Grosso, the Diagem International
Resources Corporation currently has 130,000
hectares of mineral claims. The Province has
vast deposits of alluvial diamonds as well
as 7 identified diamondiferous kimberlite
pipes on which basic exploration is
complete. Over 130,000 carats of diamonds
were recovered during the evaluation phase,
including large stones up to 450 carats, and
a 100-carat pink crystal. Production began
in 1996 (www.diagem.com).
Author Moore,
Thomas
Argyle mine, Western Australia, Australia
No diamonds from Australia reached the world
market until 1981, but by 1995 the country
had assumed first place in annual diamond
production worldwide. Most of this
ballooning output has come from the Argyle
mine, in the East Kimberley diamond
province, situated in the northeastern part
of Western Australia. The workings consist
of a huge open-pit mine in a lamproite pipe.
It is somehow satisfying, though merely
coincidental, that this Australian
"Kimberley" region was named (in 1880) after
the same Earl of Kimberley, then British
secretary of State for the Colonies, after
whom the great De Beers New Rush diamond
mine in South Africa had been renamed the
Kimberley mine in 1873 (Grice and Boxer,
1990).
 |
 |
 |
What have Victoria
Beckham, Jennifer Lopez and other
celebrity in common ? .
They own some diamonds from the
Argyle-Mine in Australia. Pink
diamonds from the Argyle-Mine fetch
around 10 times the price like a
"ordinary" white diamond of similar
quality and size. The diamond right
above costs as much as a nice fully equiped Rolls Royce.
The Argyle-Mine in
Australia is operated by Rio Tinto Diamonds. This diamonds of a
very rare and beautiful red color
are almost only to be found in der
Argyle-Mine.
It looks like
somewhere around
2018 the mine will
dry up, that means this kind of
diamonds have a bright future in
terms of prices. |
Australian
diamonds were first found in New South Wales
in 1851, in alluvium being washed for gold,
and New South Wales produced modest
quantities of diamonds for a few decades
thereafter. In Western Australia, although a
few alluvial diamonds were found near Nullagine in 1895, major prospecting did not
begin until the late 1960's. A few
kimberlites and a few diamond-bearing
alluvial deposits were found in the
Ellendale and Noonkanbah areas in the early
1970's, but the real bonanza followed the
discovery, in 1979, that Smoke Creek was
full of diamonds. Prospectors following an
easy trail of these alluvial deposits
upstream for about 20 km came to the primary
source-the Argyle (AKl) lamproite pipe.
This was only the second (Murfreesboro was
the first) primary diamond deposit found
anywhere in any rock other than kimberlite-and
there are now known to be at least 100 other
lamproites in the Kimberley area, many of
which contain diamonds (Harlow, 1998).
Though similar in its origins to kimberlite,
lamproite is finer-grained and
lighter-colored (typically it is gray to
greenish gray, and mottled), and differs
somewhat in its mineralogy. The major
component species are forsterite, phlogopite,
diopside, richterite, chromite and pyrite,
and some of the lamproites of the Kimberley
area also contain some very rare species,
including priderite, jeppeite and wadeite
(Grice and Boxer, 1990). However, diamonds
from lamproites do not seem to differ in any
important way from those found in
kimberlites. Argyle mine diamonds show a
wide range of crystal forms, colors and
twinning habits, but such a range is also
commonly seen in kimberlite diamonds.
Argyle mine crystals average only 0.1 carat
in weight. The largest found up to 1998
weighs 41.7 carats. Only about 5% of the
crystals are of gem quality. In 1995 the
mine produced 38% of the world's diamonds as
measured by weight, but just 6% as measured
by value (Harlow, 1998). About 75% of the
stones have dark inclusions, rendering them
brown, yellow, or (in cases of larger, "bort"
diamonds) steel-gray. However, a few rare
stones are green or colorless, and pale pink
ones are something of a specialty of the
mine, making lovely and very valuable gems
(see a dramatic photograph of a swarm of
pink crystals in Grice and Boxer, 1990). The
Argyle diamond crystals in the collection
featured here are a lovely, gemmy brown,
1.1-cm octahedron weighing about 4.4 carats,
and a smaller but sharper, purplish brown
octahedron measuring 6 mm.
Production at the Argyle mine began to
fall off in 1999, and the deposit is
expected to be largely exhausted, and the
mine to close, by 2006. However, Ashton
Mining, the company which operates the mine,
should recoup any loss of income, as it is
also 100% owner of Australia's only other
hard-rock diamond operation, at Merlin in
the Northern Territory. This mine, which
began production in 2000, exploits a number
of small kimberlite pipes with much higher
gem-quality diamond content than Argyle's,
and it is expected to remain productive for
a long time to come (www .mbendi.co.za).
Orapa mine and Letlhakane mine, Botswana
Between 1967 and 1973, DeBeers geologists
located three richly diamondiferous kimberlite pipes in Botswana (formerly
British Bechuanaland), with the eventual
result that this poor, underpopulated nation
in the Kalahari Desert (and right over the
center of the Kalahari Craton) is now third
in the world in diamond production as
measured by carat weight, behind only Zaire
and Australia. Moreover, since there is a
very high ratio of gem-quality to industrial
quality diamonds here, Botswana since the
early 1990's has led the world in diamond
production as measured by value. Many
kimberlites occur in the country besides the
main three (Orapa, Letlhakane, Jwaneng), and
many smaller mines are now working. Nearly
all diamond production is controlled by the
Debswana Diamond Company, a joint venture
firm of which 50% is owned by De Beers and
50% by the government of Botswana (www.
mbendi. co. za).
The Orapa kimberlite pipe, discovered in
1967, is exploited by the second largest
pipe mine in the world, surpassed in size
only by the Williamson mine in Tanzania
(Webster, 1983). The outcrop of the Orapa
pipe-the only known kimberlite pipe in
Botswana not overlain by sand-covers 263
acres; production commenced in 1970 (Harlow,
1998) or 1971 (Webster, 1983). The Orapa
kimberlite is remarkably well preserved,
having suffered less erosion than any other
known major kimberlite pipe. Only the
topmost few meters are missing, and the
great bulk of the diatreme remains intact
and awaiting exploitation (Kirkley et al.,
1991). As of 2000, after a major expansion
of the open-pit mine, the Debswana Diamond
Company planned to shift to an underground
operation, working through twin vertical
shafts to reach the lower sections of the
kimberlite. The life expectancy of the mine
has been estimated at another 30 years (www.mbendi.co.za).
Illustrated here is a truly extraordinary
suite of 21 Orapa mine diamonds, most
of them in various shades of yellow, but
also including two large multiple-crystal
clusters to 2.2 cm and two lovely, gemmy
pink crystals to 5 mm (one of them a
tetrahexahedron). Several of the yellow
crystals show cubic penetration twins, and
two have an odd skeletal habit that is
probably the result of twinning.
Near the town of Letlhakane, 48 km
northwest of the Orapa pipe, two smaller
pipes, Letlhakane 1 and Letlhakane 2, were
discovered in 1968. The mines here came into
production in 1976; nearly 40% of the
diamonds found in them are of gem quality
(Webster, 1983). The specimen shown here is
a very gemmy, faintly yellow, 1.6-cm crystal
weighing about 12.6 carats.
The third and greatest of the
diamondiferous kimberlite pipes in Botswana
(not represented in the collection featured
here) is the Jwaneng, much farther south
than the Orapa and Letlhakane. This is the
second most productive single diamond mine
in the world, after the Argyle mine in
Australia, in terms of carat-weight, and the
world's most productive in terms of value
(since, again, the percentage of gem
crystals is very high). The pipe is hidden
under 165 feet of sand; its discovery in
1973 was the result of a rigorous search
program directed by Dr. Gavin Lamont of De
Beers (Maillard, 1980).
Kimberley district, Cape Province,
Republic of South Africa
"Kimberley district" is unfortunately a
vague term for the purposes of a label,
since several kimberlite pipes near the town
of Kimberley have produced diamonds in huge
numbers-not to speak of the comparably huge
numbers of alluvial diamonds found in the
area before (and since) their primary
sources became known. This is certainly the
most famous of all the world's diamond
regions, whose history has been written in
many places. Offered here are only a few
points of "color"; for a really full story
told by an upclose observer/participant, see
Gardner F. Williams' The Diamond Mines of
South Africa (1905).
The history begins in late 1866 or early
1867, when some children of a Boer
(Dutch-descended) farming family named
Jacobs found a transparent, 21-carat diamond
on the south bank of the Orange River-some
say that the finder specifically was
15year-old Erasmus Jacobs, others favor a
daughter named Fredrika, and other
candidates for the honor also exist (Janse,
1995). Mrs. Jacobs showed the pretty stone
to a neighbor named Schalk van Niekerk,
telling him that if he liked it he could
keep it; she was accustomed to seeing piles
of such pretty stones (only smaller) that
the children built in the fields. After
several more casual changes of hands the
plaything ended up with Lorenzo Boyes, who
was either acting Civil Commissioner of the
British Cape Colony (Williams, 1905) or the
town clerk of Colesberg (Janse, 1995), and
Boyes, having the stone tested, found that
his suspicion had been correct: it was a
diamond. Frenzied rushes of diggers to the
gravel beds of the Orange and nearby Vaal
Rivers followed (see later), and then came
the rushes to nearby "dry digging" sites,
where diamonds were being picked from loose
deposits of yellow, calcareous dry mud on
farmers' lands.
At first, and despite the dryness and heat
of the work sites, this mud-"yellow
ground"-in which the diamonds occurred was
thought to be some kind of water-deposited
sediment; after all, the searchers had just
recently been finding alluvial diamonds in
riverbeds. When, at some sites, they neared
the bottom of the dry, yellow mud, revealing
a hard bluish-gray rock beneath, some
diggers gave up and sold their claims,
believing that the diamondiferous ore had
run out. But those optimists who kept
working, hacking into the "blue ground,"
were delighted to find that diamonds
continued to appear. Noting how easily the
mysterious rock weathered, they broke it up
and spread it out in the sun in wide
"floors," so that after six months or so it
would turn, in effect, to yellow ground
which could be sieved to recover the
diamonds (Janse, 1995). In 1872 the German
mineralogist Emil Cohen became the first to
propose that the dark cylindrical columns of
rock, as uncovered below the weathered zone,
were in fact volcanic pipes. During the rest
of the decade the idea that diamonds come
from these igneous pipes won general assent,
and in 1887 the American mineralogist Henry
Carvill Lewis proposed the name kimberlite
for the rock.
By this time the great diamond mines in the
blue ground had already been initiated in
quick succession. Four of the deposits fall
within a circle 5 km in diameter, which
includes also the city of Kimberley. In
order of their discovery they are
Bultfontein (September 1869), Dutoitspan
(October 1869), De Beers Old Rush, later
simply De Beers (May 1871), and De Beers New
Rush, later Kimberley (July 1871). Two more
pipes, Koffiefontein and Jagersfontein, lie
90 and 150 km respectively to the southeast.
In 1890 another huge pipe, Wesselton, was
found only 3 km from Bultfontein and
Dutoitspan.
The De Beers mine was begun on a farm,
called Vooruitzigt, owned by two Boers, the
De Beers brothers. They sold the land for a
sum that anyone more sophisticated would
have thought negligible, then couldn't think
what to do with the windfall except perhaps
buy a new wagon and some ox yokes (Krajick,
2001). But, because the mine named after
them ultimately became so famous, their name
eventually became attached to the great
diamond cartel called De Beers, still one of
the wealthiest and most powerful business
concerns in the world.
As already mentioned, the first Kimberley
diamonds were found in the loose yellow
earth of shallow "pans," as dry ponds were
called by the Boers-"Dutoitspan" literally
is the "pan" on the land of a farmer named
Du Toit. The news of these thrilling new
kinds of diamond fields reached the alluvial
diamond-digging communities on the Orange
and Vaal rivers very quickly, of course; and
soon the taciturn, pious Boers who owned and
farmed the lands found themselves
overwhelmed by fame, although, for the most
part, not by any instant wealth. Makeshift
leasing and royalty arrangements were
insufficient to cope with the numbers of
people and volumes of potential profit
involved, and the Boer government of the
new, tiny, precarious Orange Free State was
out of its depth. It tried to restrict the
allotment of claims on the farm lands to all
but citizens of the Free State, but since
the claimants in reality came from every
part of the world and every moral terrain of
the soul, the Free State government soon
lapsed into passivity.
Besides, the regional politics were
complicated and tricky. Some indigenous
tribes still asserted a vague kind of claim
to some of the diamondiferous lands. The
Orange Free State, of course, also asserted
a claim; and in Capetown there was the
increasingly aggressive authority of the
British Cape Colony under its new High
Commissioner, Sir Henry Barkly. In 1871 Sir
Henry concluded an arrangement, subject to
(routine) ratification by Her Majesty's
government, for the transfer to Great
Britain of the claims of the native African
chiefs. After some legal maneuvers which had
the effect of locking out all claims of the
Orange Free State, British sovereignty over
the new Crown Colony of Griqualand West,
which included the diamond fields, was
proclaimed. The imperial gesture probably
helped ensure that the diamond fields would
be exploited with maximum profitability, and
was in any case surely in tune with the
times. A voice clearly speaking from the
mind-set of those times (that of G.
Williams, 1905) rhapsodizes that ". . . this
settlement was greatly contributory to the
extraordinary advance of diamond mining ...
as well as to the uplifting and development
of the Colonies, and to the push of
civilization into the heart of the dark
continent."
No one better personifies this Imperial
spirit than Cecil John Rhodes, who, in the
rhetoric of Williams (1905) again, sought
"to reach ends of Imperial scope, to throw
the searchlights of civilization into every
cranny of the Dark Continent, to lift the
prodigious dead weight of unnumbered bygone
ages of barbarism ... to create a Greater
Britain ... and stretch the hand of his
Queen over a realm transcending the farthest
sweep of the Macedonian or the Roman." By
the time of his death in 1902, Rhodes indeed
had done more than anyone else to make
southern Africa British, as far north as
Kenya and Uganda-working from a power base
secured by diamonds and by his mighty
creation, the De Beers corporation.
When Rhodes came to Africa in 1870 to
seek diamonds, he was merely the sickly
17-year-old son of a Hertfordshire
clergyman. It was his ambition, imagination,
and financial daring which finally gave him
the victory, after years of capitalistic
battle, over another ambitious adventurer, a
Jewish shopkeeper from London named Barnett
Isaacs, also known as "Barney Barnato."
Barnato had come to work as a "kopje
wallower" (amateur diamond buyer) in the
Great White Camps of the diamond fields in
1873, joining his older brother Henry. With
an equally inexperienced partner, Louis
Cohen, Barnato soon began buying up claims,
and founded a diamond company-thus moving
into direct competition with Rhodes, who was
doing the same sort of thing. The two
entrepeneurs' rivalry did not end until
1887, when Rhodes bought out Barnato and
incorporated their combined holdings as the
De Beers Consolidated Mines Limited. Rhodes'
other great creation, the British African
Empire, is now gone, but the De Beers cartel
is supreme to this day in the (now
worldwide) diamond trade.
One dramatic episode in the early history
of Kimberley deserves mention. In 1899
the Boer War broke out, itself a perfect
artifact of British imperialism, as the
British victory ended all Boer, not to speak
of native African, aspirations to
independence. Between October 1899 and
February 1900 the Kimberley mine, and
Kimberley town, came under military siege.
An ill-organized but well-armed force of
angry Boers surrounded the town/mine complex
and bombarded it with long-range artillery;
fortifications around the town and mine were
erected, and small engagements were fought
between British patrols and the besieging
forces. In advance of the siege Rhodes had
sent from Capetown a small but stout British
force and ample supplies; food was rationed
during the siege, and some diamond mining
even continued. During one period of
especially fierce bombardment, several
hundred women and children took refuge for
several days in the mine's deep tunnels. By
the time a British relief column finally
arrived, nine people had been killed in
Kimberley, and many houses destroyed, but
the brave defense had solidified local
pride, and no permanent damage had been done
to the mine.
In 1914 the Kimberley mine closed, having
been worked to a depth of 1,098 meters; its
site is presently marked by the famous "Big
Hole," the deepest manmade excavation on
earth. Four of the giant original mines are
still active today: Bultfontein, Dutoitspan,
Wesselton and Koffiefontein. Their combined
production during the 1990's averaged only
about 700,000 carats of diamonds annually,
accounting for 0.7% of world production. The
mines are close to the bottoms of their
reserves of kimberlite ore, and all may be
closed permanently by 2010 (Harlow, 1998).
The Kimberley diamond crystal illustrated
here is a very gemmy, interestingly modified
1.4-cm octahedron weighing 11.3 carats.
Premier mine, Transvaal, Republic of
South Africa
Up until 1903 the mines around Kimberley had
supplied all of South Africa's (and the
world's) kimberlite diamonds. But in that
year a large diamondiferous pipe 20 miles
from Pretoria, in the province of Transvaal,
went into production as the Premier mine.
Diamonds had been found abundantly in the
soil there, especially around the
Elandsfontein farm, as far back as 1897, but
apparently some South Africans were
reluctant to think that this new kimberlite
deposit could possibly rival the already
world-famous mines at Kimberley, almost 500
km to the southwest. In an official report
in june, 1903-after the "Cullinan" diamond
had been found in the Premier mine-a mining
engineer employed by the Transvaal
government noted that although the soil of
this region was indeed full of diamonds, the
blue ground below would probably prove
unprofitable; others in the Transvaal Bureau
of Mines shared this view (Williams, 1932).
But according to a report issued on October
31, 1903 by the Premier Diamond Mining
Company, the Premier mine had already
produced almost 100,000 carats of diamonds,
valued at £137,435, during the first few
months of its start-up year. Ten years later
the company reported that the Premier mine
had yielded 2,107,983 carats of diamonds
worth £2,336,828 in the year ending October
31, 1913 (Williams, 1932).
The mine achieved its highest average annual
production of diamonds during the 11-year
period between its opening and the temporary
suspension of mining at the outbreak of
World War I in 1914. Work resumed in 1917,
and by 1932, when the open pit had reached a
depth of 610 feet, there was still almost no
decrease in the diameter of the kimberlite
pipe (Williams, 1932). But soon thereafter
the miners encountered a sill of gabhro
intersecting the pipe (Bancroft, 1984), and
because of this barren ground the old
open-pit Premier mine closed in 1936. In
1946 it re-opened, this time as an
underground mine exploiting kimberlite below
the gabbro, and as of today, one year past
the mine's centennial, diamond production
still continues. The deposit enjoys record
longevity in another sense too: it is
geologically the oldest of the major known
kimberlite intrusions, dating between 1,100
and 1,200 million years (Bancroft, 1984;
Kirkley et al., 1991).
On the popular level, the story of the
Premier mine is the story of Thomas Cullinan,
and of the "Cullinan" diamond. Thomas
Cullinan, born in the British Cape Colony,
inherited a prosperous construction
business, but before the turn of the 20th
century he sold off most of his assets and
moved north, into the Witwatersrand area
near Johannesburg, Transvaal, where he
devoted himself to prospecting for diamonds.
Knowing that they occurred in the soil near
the farm called Elandsfontein, he offered to
buy the farm from its owner, Joachim
Prinsloo, who responded by threatening to
shoot Cullinan and any other prospectors who
might trespass on his land. The Boer War put
a halt to most prospecting anyway, and
Prinsloo died before the war ended. In
November 1902, the persistent Cullinan was
finally able to purchase the farm from the
Prinsloo heirs for £52,000.
In January 1903, diamondiferous kimberlite
began to show up in the prospect pits, and a
De Beers geologist came for a look.
Apparently sharing the general skepticism
about the viability of any kimberlites
outside of Kimberley, he reported to his
superiors that this new mine would be "a
flash in the pan" (Janse, 1995). On Janauary
25, a gigantic diamond was found less than a
meter below the surface, and mine manager
Frederick Wells dug it out of the ground
with his penknife (Bancroft, 1984). It was,
of course, the fist-sized, 3,106-carat "Cullinan"
diamond, by far the largest gemquality
diamond ever found anywhere in the world.
Bancroft (1984) tantalizingly points out
that the overall shape of the "Cullinan"
indicates that it was actually the smaller
half of an enormous, cleaved octahedron, and
somewhere the still-buried larger half of
the same crystal must certainly still exist.
The Cullinan diamond was presented to
King Edward VII, and of the 105 separate
gemstones cut from it, the largest two, the
Great Star of Africa and the Lesser Star of
Africa, at 530.2 and 317.4 carats
respectively, are the largest faceted
diamond gems in the world. Today they are
seen by the thousands of tourists who visit
the display of the British Crown Jewels in
the Tower of London each week.
As the production figures cited earlier
show, the Premier mine during its amazing
first years provided strong competition for
the mines of the De Beers monopoly at
Kimberley. De Beers, moving quickly to
rectify its earlier error in judgment,
reached an "understanding" with the board of
directors of Thomas Cullinan's Premier
Diamond Mining Company in 1920, and by 1922
De Beers had acquired all shares in the
Premier mine (Janse, 1995). Cullinan was
knighted by Edward VII, and went on to a
successful career as a South African
politician; he died in Johannesburg in 1936.
The four Premier mine crystals illustrated
here include a gemmy, modified, 9-mm
octahedron, an interesting pair of gemmy and
colorless octahedral crystals attached to
each other in parallel, a 1.3-cm octahedron
darkened by many blackish inclusions, and an
extraordinary 1.3-cm crystal cluster
consisting of at least seven gemmy,
octahedral individuals growing on a matrix
lump of opaque diamond "bort."
Vaal River district, Cape Province,
Republic of South Africa
The Vaal River, rich in alluvial diamonds,
passes through the "Kimberley district" of kimberlite-pipe mines (see above); in fact,
a bend of the river passes within two km of
the Kimberley mine. This description,
therefore, is to some extent redundant with
the description of the Kimberley district,
inasmuch as the diamonds have a common
source.
The part of the Vaal River which has
historically been most productive of
diamonds runs northeast for about 150 km,
from Pniel and Kimberley to the town of
Bloemhof-although the very first finds came
from points farther south. About 100 km
southwest of Kimberley, just below the point
at which the Vaal River joins the Orange,
lies the site of the De Kalk farm, where in
1867 the Jacobs children found the large
crystal that started the whole South African
diamond excitement; in 1869 the 83.5-carat
"Star of South Africa" was found on the
Zandfontein farm, also very near the
junction of the Orange and the Vaal. After
some early prospecting in this area, though,
the early diggers moved north, to Pniel on
the Vaal, developing extensive diggings at a
place called Klipdrift, later Barkly West,
where the gravel beds yielded many of the
finest South African diamonds ever found
(Williams, 1932).
As early as 1869, about 4000 diggers were at
work in the Vaal and Orange Rivers (Webster,
1983). The swarming tent camps took in "a
motley throng of fortune-hunters" (Williams,
1905) from the neighboring Boer lands, from
the British Cape Colony, from other parts of
Africa, and from abroad:
Black grandsons of Guinea coast slaves and
natives of every dusky shade . . . butchers,
bakers, sailors, tailors, lawyers,
blacksmiths, doctors, carpenters, clerks,
gamblers, sextons, laborers, loafers . . .
fell into line in a straggling procession to
the Diamond Fields. Army officers begged
furloughs to join the motley troop,
schoolboys ran away from school, and women
even of good families could not be held back
from joining their husbands and brothers in
the long and wearisome journey to the banks
of the Vaal (Williams, 1905).
Soon, of course, the kimberlite mines
overshadowed the alluvial workings, but the
latter continued in action nevertheless,
being concentrated at points progressively
farther upstream on the Vaal, i.e. to the
northeast. In 1926, enormous alluvial
deposits were found in high plateau country
near Lichtenburg, 175 km north of Bloemhof,
and 10,000 prospectors joined a first rush
(Harlow, 1998). In the next year there was
an "organized" rush near Grasfontein in the
Lichtenburg field. A Transvaal government
official standing up on a cart proclaimed
the opening of a farm tract for digging, and
at the drop of a flag 25,000 people rushed
forward to plant their claims. The output of
alluvial diamonds from the Vaal River region
kept increasing well into the 20th century,
with a new surge from the Lichtenberg fields
after 1926, and production continues today.
From the start, Vaal River diamonds
enjoyed a reputation for being unusually
clear, bright, and free of fractures. Some
are lightly tinged yellow, and deep orange,
pale blue, brown and pink hues are found
very rarely, but a large percentage of the
stones are perfectly white. The commonest
crystal forms are the octahedron and
dodecahedron (Williams, 1905) The crystals
illustrated here (a beautifully gemmy, near
colorless 1.4-cm octahedron weighing 12.5
carats, and a 1.8-cm macle weighing 13.2
carats), having no doubt been found rather
recently, are probably from the northern
part of the Kimberley district, since, as
mentioned, the general historical trend was
that the alluvial workings moved
northeastwards along the Vaal from the old
Barkly West area near Pniel.
Finsch mine, Orange Free State, Republic
of South Africa
The Orange Free State, briefly an autonomous
Boer state just before the turn of the 20th
century, is now a province of the Republic
of South Africa. The kimberlite pipe
exploited by the Finsch mine was discovered
in 1960. The mine, located on the Brits Farm
near Limeacre, 160 km west of Kimberley, is
a major producer of gem crystals-about 25%
of its diamonds are of gem quality (Webster,
1983). The discoverers of the pipe, Allster
Fincham and Ernest Schwabel, had been
working a claim there for asbestos, but when
they found garnets in the soil they
suspected the presence of underlying
kimberlite (pyrope being a major "indicator"
mineral). When the relevant mining law
changed in their favor in 1960, they began
mining diamonds.
In 1963 the entire capital of the Finsch
Diamonds Company was purchased by De Beers,
and two years later the mine began fullscale
production. As a large open-pit mine with
many benches, the Finsch produced 95,000
carats of diamonds in 1965, with production
steadily increasing to 3,500,000 carats in
1985 (Maillard, 1980). The pit had reached a
depth of 430 meters before underground
mining commenced (Harlow 1998), and
ultramodern blockcaving methods of gathering
kimberlite ensure the continued importance
of the Finsch mine today.
The collection illustrated here features a
superb suite of 13 Finsch mine diamonds in a
gorgeous array of colors including
canary-yellow, orange, pink, reddish brown,
colorless and black. The habits range from
modified cubic to octahedral to triangular macle twins up to 6 mm in size.
Williamson mine, Mwadui, Tanzania
The Williamson mine is the largest
kimberlite mine in Africa, with a main pipe
eight times larger than that of the Premier
mine. It has yielded diamond crystals to 240
carats; a gorgeous pink 54carat stone was
cut to a gem of 23.6 carats and presented to
Princess (now Queen) Elizabeth on the
occasion of her marriage in 1947.
Mwadui village lies in an area of
diamondiferous gravels between Shinyanga and
the southern shore of Lake Victoria; some
claims were pegged as early as 1910, and
limited mining began in 1925 (Webster, 1983; Janse, 1996). In 1934, Dr. John Williamson,
a geologist from Quebec, came to prospect in
Tanzania (then British Tanganyika), and one
of the last star-stories about an individual
diamond entrepeneur commenced: "Every
geologist dreams of discovering an important
diamond mine," wrote G. J. Du Toit in an
unpublished manuscript called The Williamson
Story, "[and] everybody wants to own one
outright. Only one man, Dr. John Thorburn
Williamson . . . the discoverer and founder
of the now-famous Mwadui diamond mine . . .
has ever achieved both ambitions" (quoted in
Maillard, 1980).
In 1940 Williamson had worked in three
small, unprofitable diamond mines in
Tanganyika, and had discovered a few small kimberlite pipes, but was nonetheless down
to his last £100 and thinking of joining the
army. But on the evening of March 6, 1940,
his assistant brought him a soil sample from
an abandoned survey trench near Mwadui;
processing it, the two men found not only
abundant grains of the indicator mineral
ilmenite but also a beautiful 2-carat
diamond octahedron (other versions of the
discovery-story exist, as we might expect-
see Janse, 1996). Soon Williamson's
systematic work at the site had revealed a
massive kimberlite pipe and associated
diamondiferous gravels, and the Williamson
mine was born. he was able to bootstrap the
mine's growth from profits, and built a huge
processing plant, a power station, and a
township for several thousand employees.
After Williamson's death in 1956, his heirs
sold the mine to De Beers, and continued
economic success followed Tanzanian
independence in 1961, and the mine's
nationalization (Maillard, 1980).
According to the present owner, Tan Range
Exploration Corporation, the Williamson mine
is still operating, but on a much smaller
scale than previously. Through various
modern exploration technologies, e.g.
airborne magnetic-anomaly surveys, the
company has identified several new, although
small, kimberlite pipes in the area and
elsewhere in Tanzania. These might be
expected to compensate, at least partially,
for the expected closing of the Williamson
mine sometime in the fairly near future (www.tanzam
2000.com).
The Williamson mine specimen illustrated
here is an attractive, nearly colorless
1.3-cm octahedron weighing 7.9 carats.
Kenema, Diamond Fields, Eastern Province, Sierra Leone
The diamond fields of Sierra Leone lie in
hilly terrain north of the town of Kenema.
Bounded on the west by the Sewa River and on
the east by the borders of Liberia and
Guinea, the region measures about 80 × 100
km and accounts for about one-third of the
total land area of the tiny country.
Alluvial diamonds were first found in
Gboboro Stream in January 1930 by N. R.
junner and J. D. Pollett of the Sierra Leone
Geological Survey (Janse, 1996), and there
was small-scale prospecting and mining until
the end of British colonial rule in 1961. A
company called Consolidated African
Selection Trust (CAST), through its wholly
owned subsidiary Sierra Leone Selection
Trust (SLST), acquired a diamondprospecting
lease over the whole country, and annual
production reached one million carats by
1937 (Janse, 1996). Even during this period,
as a harbinger of the chaos to come, more
diamonds probably left the country illicitly
than were sold by the mining company
(Webster, 1983).
Sierra Leone diamonds are all
alluvial, being found by timehonored methods
of scouring and processing gravels in the
Sewa, Gboboro, Male and other small rivers,
and mining on terraces along these rivers.
This is a deeply weathered terrain, with
coarsegrained granitic rocks underlying the
valleys and more resistant schists forming
the uplands, all overlain by thick soil
cover and dense vegetation. The remnants of
the original kimberlite pipes crop out in
only a few spots, now showing only their
once deepseated roots. They must once have
been large and richly diamondiferous, for
even after most of the diamonds have washed
out to sea, rieh alluvial deposits,
including many on high banks and ledges
which represent ancient drainages, are still
widespread.
Quite early on in the region's history,
Sierra Leone diamonds acquired the
reputation for being of highest gem quality
at their best, as well as very well
crystallized. Many crystals, called
"glasses," are sharp, lustrous octahedrons
of pellucid transparency, colorless in most
cases but rarely also bottle-green. The
"Star of Sierra Leone," found at Yengema in
1972 and weighing 969.8 carats, is the
largest alluvial diamond of gem quality ever
discovered anywhere.
During the last years of British rule the
villagers of the region, having learned
about how to find diamonds and about their
extremely high value, began illicitly
collecting and selling them on a large
scale, with fortune-seekers from neighboring
Guinea and Liberia often joining in too.
These are among Africa's poorest
countries-Sierra Leone is the poorest-so the
diamond mania was not surprising, but it
soon threatened the overall economy of the
colony. "Farmers neglected their crops and
livestock to such an extent that the
government had to import commodities like
rice, which in normal times Sierra Leone
exported. Instead of enriching the country,
diamonds were threatening to ruin it. In the
region of the diggings there was a severe
shortage of food, and prices rose to
dizzying heights" (Maillard, 1980).
The British, by issuing diamond-collecting
licenses and by encouraging the villagers to
dig for the official company SLST, attempted
to get control of the situation. But
large-scale illegal trading still went on,
especially after large numbers of Lebanese
merchants moved in to seize control of
smuggling activities close to the border of
Liberia, in whose capital, Monrovia, diamond
dealers and cutters from Antwerp and
elsewhere waited to buy smuggled gems at
very low prices.
In 1955 the British, in co-operation with
DeBeers, countered by authorizing the
Diamond Corporation of Sierra Leone (DCSL)
to set up a buying office in Freetown, the
capital city, with smaller outposts in
villages near the sources. "Miners" then
could individually bring diamonds to sell at
fair prices, and without risk to themselves,
and the diamonds could be taxed by the
government, then channeled into established
international markets. The single SLST
concession for all of Sierra Leone was split
into two lease areas, called Yengema and
Tongo (Janse, 1996).
But since Sierra Leonean independence in
1961, and especially after the country
became a republic in 1971, the story of
diamonds there has been largely one of civil
war, mayhem, deepening poverty, cruelty, and
death-one of the world's worst and least
noticed "news" stories of recent decades. A
series of government coups and
counter-coups, these supported or undermined
variously by the governments of major powers
and by the forces on different sides of the
civil conflict going on in neighboring
Liberia, have cost tens of thousands of
Sierra Leonean lives. Government and rebel
forces have both typically formed their
armies from underfed children and from
alcohol and drug-addled young men, and all
sides have employed mercenaries from the
U.S., Russia and Europe to "lead" them. In
one rebel offensive against Freetown between
December 1998 and February 1999, at least
7,000 people died, and, in the overheated
(but not necessarily inaccurate) language of
one website, "Women and young girls were
raped systematically . . . The population
was routinely used as human shields. . . .
Entire compounds of families have been
emptied, the villagers lined up while the
rebels jokingly decide which ones to shoot
and which to let go . . ." (www.comebackalive.com).
Mutilations, especially the chopping-off of
arms and legs, have been practiced on a
large scale, foreigners have been executed,
villages have been starved, and reports of
cannibalism persist.
Clearly the most common motive for all this
violence is greed for the diamonds which are
Sierra Leone's only significant source of
wealth and accessible symbol of power. "The
diamond mines were the first targets for
repossession, as one of the would-be
dictators hired [mercenaries] on credit,
with a promise of US $500,000 a month
payment in diamonds" (www.comeback alive.com).
Such are the facts which lurk behind the
vaguely, often glibly used term "conflict
diamond"-one may or may not choose to bear
them in mind while contemplating the two
crystals illustrated here, a colorless,
modified 1.3-cm octahedron (with a smaller
"side-car crystal") weighing 7.5 carats, and
a colorless triangular 1.1-cm made weighing
4.6 carats.
Between 1960 and 1996, "official" diamond
production from Sierra Leone fell from 2
million to 400,000 carats per year; however,
in 1996 a Canadian company was thinking of
mining a small kimberlite pipe where
gem-quality diamonds seem to comprise an
extraordinary 60% of the total yield (Janse,
1996).
Oranjemund district, Orange River,
Namibia
Oranjemund lies, as its name specifies, at
the mouth ("Mund") of the Orange River,
where this river empties into the South
Atlantic. Since the Orange River forms the
border between Namibia and the Republic of
South Africa, Oranjemund is at the
southernmost point of Namibia (formerly the
South African protectorate known as
South-West Africa, and before World War I
the German colony of Deutsch Sudwest Afrika).
At Oranjemund, the Namdeb Diamond
Corporation Limited (owned jointly by the
Namibian government and De Beers) maintains
a fleet of earth-moving equipment "nearly as
large as that owned by the United States
army" (Maillard, 1980), and uses it to
conduct a mammoth beachmining operation for
diamonds.
"Beach" diamonds were first detected
along this coast in 1908, near Luderitz,
where a railroad worker found a few small
crystals in the sand dunes. Soon, discrete
beach deposits were being found along a
60-mile stretch north of the mouth of the
Orange, and the Germans were mining
considerable numbers of small but
highquality diamonds. When South Africa took
control after World War I, the deposits were
sold to Consolidated Diamond Mines (CDM),
which was transferred to DeBeers in 1929;
the present Namdeb Corporation was organized
in 1994. Its current operations include
beach-mining, terrace-mining, and
seabed-mining-all flourishing nicely, and
imparting a new sense to the old term
"alluvial diamonds."
For a while geologists wondered whether
these marine diamonds had come from
kimberlites on the sea floor, or whether
they had been transported oceanwards from
the great kimberlite swarms of the inland
Kalahari Craton. But it is now quite certain
that kimberlites do not occur in the ocean
basins, only in continental cratons, and
moreover a mere glance at a stream-drainage
map of southern Africa makes it clear that
huge numbers of diamonds from inland
kimberlites must have been transported to
the sea by the Orange River system
(including tributaries such as the Vaal);
further, it has been noted that the sizes of
the marine diamonds diminish regularly as
the distance from the mouth of the Orange
increases. Presently it is estimated that
over the past 100 million years, up to 1,400
meters have been eroded from the land
surface of South Africa and Namibia, and
that of all of the diamonds released to the
streams by the weathering of the kimberlites,
only 10% stayed behind in inland alluvial
deposits, the remaining 90% having been
carried to, and out into, the ocean. And
since the ocean waves shatter the
poorer-quality diamonds, 90-95% of marine
diamonds are of gem quality (www.amnh.org/exhibitions/diamonds).
Terrace mining for diamonds at Oranjemund
takes place well above the high-water level
and up to 3 km inland, and seabed mining,
carried out by suction-dredging from huge
offshore barges, operates more than a mile
out from the mouth of the Orange. More
important than either of these is beach
mining. In the first stage of this process,
massive earth-moving equipment removes loose
beach-sand overburdens to depths of up to 80
feet, exposing ancient beach terraces as
much as 65 feet below present high-water
levels. The terraces are broken up and
bulldozed into rubble-piles until the tough,
irregularly configured bedrock schists are
laid bare: this is the level most avidly
sought, since the gravels left in the
potholes and crevices here have concentrated
most of the diamonds.
Backtrenchers with digging buckets gouge out
some of the gullies, but mining from this
point is largely a matter of hand work:
miners known as bedrock cleaners dig,
shovel, and sort the highly diamondiferous
residual gravels, until the whole schist
floor is swept clean (Maillard, 1980). The
technology is efficient, and potential
yields from the "Oranjemund district" are
vast-in 1995 alone, such beach deposits
produced 1,300,000 carats of diamond
crystals (www.amnh.org/exhibitions/diamonds).
Similar beach deposits have been located in
Namaqualand, South Africa, south of the
mouth of the Orange, as well as much farther
north, on the "Skeleton Coast" of Namibia
(Webster, 1983). It is most likely, however,
that the specimen illustrated here (a gemmy
triangular made twin 1.3 cm across, weighing
4.1 carats) came from somewhere not too far
north of Oranjemund-and that the working
from which it came has long since been
buried again by tide-borne sands.
Bangui region, Central African Republic.
Although only a tiny fraction of the world's
diamonds comes from the Central African
Republic, diamonds are this poor, landlocked
former French colony's principal resource.
The colony (which is partially underlain by
a small craton), was once known as
Ubangi-Chari; it lies just north of Zaire,
the latter also known as the Congo Republic.
Neither state should be confused with the
former French Congo, now the People's
Republic of Congo, lying just to the west of
Zaire (devotees of dioptase will be familiar
with these confusions). The Ubangi (or
Oubangui) River marks the border between
Zaire and the Central African Republic, and
Bangui is a town on the river's north bank.
The "Bangui region" (source of the crystal
illustrated here, a 1-cm yellow cube
weighing 4.1 carats) corresponds to a
diamond-producing area between Bangui and
Berberati, in the southwestern part of the
country (Maillard, 1980; Webster, 1983).
Here, diamonds are recovered by clearing
heavy forest and jungle vegetation, then
removing a thick bed of topsoil to reach
diamond-bearing alluvial gravel; there is
also some mechanized dredging in beds of the
region's numerous rivers and streams.
Further diamond-related developments may
follow when the parent kimberlite or
lamproite pipes (if they still exist) are
finally located in the Central African
Republic.
Northern Lunda Province, Cuango River
area, Angola
Angola produced 1.8% of the world's diamonds
in 1996 (www.amnh.org/exhibitions/diamonds),
and a high proportion are of gem quality.
Counterbalancing these upbeat observations,
though, is the fact that civil wars and
insurgencies have intermittently troubled
Angola ever since independence from Portugal
was declared in 1975. Consequently, as in
the case of Sierra Leone, diamonds known to
be from Angola may be "conflict diamonds."
At least half of all diamonds found in the
country are gathered and sold illicitly (Janse,
1996). Even when there is no fighting,
demobilized soldiers generally prefer to dig
gems rather than return to bare-subsistence
farming.
The Angolan diamond regions are all
in the northern part of Lunda Province, in
the country's northeastern corner, adjoining
Zaire,. In fact, the first discoveries of
alluvial diamonds, in 1911/ 1912, were
byproducts of exploratory surveys just to
the north, in what was then the Belgian
Congo. A series of parallel rivers run from
south to north through Lunda Province before
passing into Zaire, and diamonds have been
found in many of them. The Cuanga River,
forming the border between Lunda Province
and Malanje Province to its west, is the
largest of these rivers, and had produced
about 80% of Angola's diamonds as of 1998
(Harlow, 1998). It is possible, however,
that the stated source of the lovely 1-cm
yellow crystal illustrated here,"Cuango (or
Kwombo) River," is merely a geographically
convenient term, and that the diamond was
found in one of the region's smaller rivers
(candidates include the Chicapa, Luachimo,
Chiumbe, Luana and Lembe).
Creative geological fieldwork by R. Delville
in the early 1950's succeeded in
establishing that diamondiferous gravels and
conglomerates were concentrated along two
parallel faults in a buried fault-graben
structure in Lunda Province, and inferences
could then be drawn concerning where the
original kimberlite sources lay concealed in
the forested wilderness of the province. The
first of the kimberlite pipes was found near
the Chicapa River in 1952; it is now known
to be one of the largest in the world (Maillard,
1980), and one of about 600 pipes in
northern Lunda (Harlow, 1998). Ongoing
mining and prospecting is in the hands of a
consortium, Consorcio Mineiro de Diamantes (Condiama),
whose members include De Beers, the
government of Angola, and an earlier company
called Diameng (Companhia de Diamantes do
Angola), which had begun to look for
diamonds during Portuguese colonial times.
Ghana
Although Ghana is not represented by any of
the diamonds in the collection featured
here, it is the locality for the large and
amazingly modified cube shown on the cover
of this issue, from the collection of Mike
Scott. In 1911, British prospectors found
small numbers of alluvial diamonds in what
was then the colony called the Gold
Coast-more famous in history both for its
gold and for its infamous slave-trading
ports-on the Gulf of Guinea. As of 1980, 3
million carats of diamonds were being
produced annually, 85% of the output being
merely of industrial grade (Maillard, 1980).
In 1996 the country accounted for 0.7% of
world diamond production (www.amnh/exhibitions/diamonds).
Alluvial diamond deposits in Ghana are
concentrated in the Birim valley, in the Akwatia region midway between the capital
city of Accra and the town of Kumasi (Maillard,
1980)-this is the likely provenance of the
cover crystal.
The Future of Diamond Mining
Levinson et al. ( 1992) estimate that the
total world production of diamonds, both gem
and industrial, between remotest antiquity
and the year 1990 was 2,213,875,000 carats,
equivalent to 450 metric tons weight. This
is, they say, a conservative estimate, since
it rounds up only slightly from official
figures to take into account unreported,
illicit production. As mineral species go,
even gempotential species, diamond is not
really rare-how many tons of jeremejevite or
sinhalite do you suppose have been
found?-but its enduring appeal, not to speak
of its many industrial uses, makes the
securing of further supplies a pressing
concern.
Since 1870, Africa has spoiled us: in that
year, as mining was just beginning at
Kimberley and on the Vaal River, only
300,000 carats of diamonds were produced
worldwide, but in 1920, 3,000,000 carats
were produced, the tenfold increase being
entirely due to new production from African
sources. Although the classic African
kimberlite mines are now in decline (and
some are closed), new African mines, Russian
mines, and most recently the Argyle mine in
Australia have so far kept worldwide
production growing rapidly: 42,000,000
carats were produced in 1970, and more than
100,000,000 in 1990 (Levinson et al, 1992).
But now several Russian mines, the
Williamson mine in Tanzania, and even the
Argyle mine are well past their primes-if we
keep up the present rate of consumption,
where are diamonds to come from in future
decades (aside from the vast stockpiles held
by the Russian Diamond Fund)?
One plausible speculation is that more and
more of them will come from the sea. Marine
diamond mining off the Atlantic coasts of
South Africa and Namibia was pioneered by
two small companies in 1954. Then, in the
early 1960's, a Texas oilman named Sam
Collins founded a company called the Marine
Diamond Corporation, now in the capable,
high-tech hands of De Beers Marine (Pty)
Ltd. This company currently dominates the
available offshore lease areas, which extend
up to 5 km out from the shore (Gurney et al,
1991). There are several positive
indications about this diamond source: for
one thing, a conservative estimate of
reserves in the African marine deposits is
1.5 billion carats-almost three-quarters of
total world production since antiquity-and,
for another thing, 90-95% of the diamonds
are of gem quality, natural "sorting" having
destroyed the inferior stones along the way
between the original drainages of the
kimberlites and final deposition on the
continental shelf. To put it in terms of
another statistic, these deposits contain at
least 100 times as many gem diamonds (by
weight) as are presently being used each
year in jewelry (Levinson, et al, 1992).
However, diamonds recovered by relatively
simple suction equipment, and by divers, in
shallower waters are vastly outnumbered by
deeper-water diamonds, and these are
difficult and expensive to find and
retrieve. Much technical progress is being
made, but deep-marine diamond mining is
still only marginally profitable. It may
also be true that the South African/
Namibian marine diamond deposits are an
anomaly in the world, since they result from
the uniquely favorable combination of a rich
inland diamondiferous craton, deep
weathering of the craton, and stable
drainage over a very long time to a nearby
ocean. Prospectors have eyed the Arctic
waters north of the Siberian and Canadian
cratons, and some sites in the Gulf of
Guinea, but climatic as well as geological
factors would seem to preclude mining in
these areas, even if they should prove to
hold diamonds.
Although they acknowledge the importance of
the southern African marine fields, and
although they regard some inland alluvial
diamond deposits, particularly in Angola, as
promising, Levinson et al. (1992) predict
that the most significant new diamond
sources of the 21st century will be newly
discovered kimberlite pipes in Siberia and
northern Canada. Economically viable
kimberlites, they point out, are amenable to
large-scale mining and discouraging to
illicit "pirates": two-thirds of world
diamond production in 1990 came from just
eight large kimberlite mines. The Russian
and Canadian cratons are vast, and huge
swarms of diatremes may well lurk under the
glacial cover in under-explored or
unexplored regions (the very rich diatreme
now being exploited by the Ekati mine
remained successfully camouflaged for a long
time under the glacial meltwater of Lac de
Gras).
Levinson et al. also point to the geological
favorability of Antarctica, where a large
craton lurks under the ice cover. Perhaps by
the end of this century some technology will
have evolved for getting at diatremes there.
And Janse (1996) suggests that Africa may
not only continue to be a major diamond
producer, but may again become the major
producing diamond province of the world,
perhaps thanks to technological
breakthroughs at the marine deposits, or
perhaps also to new kimberlite discoveries
in central and western Africa, where
alluvial mining so far has been the only
important kind.
As a mineral collector, one might wistfully
regret that almost all of the people who
customarily seek or mine or study or write
about diamonds are interested in them solely
for their industrial or gemstone uses, or as
objects of scientific research. It would be
interesting (though probably depressing) to
know exactly how many euhedral, uncut
crystals of diamond are preserved today,
from throughout the course of the long
history of human obsession which has been
sketched here. The fine crystals in the
private collection illustrated here provide
a wonderful glimpse of a unique species in
its original state.
Acknowledgements
My thanks to the owner of the specimens
featured here for making them available for
study and photography, and to Bill Birch for
reviewing the manuscript and making helpful
suggestions. My thanks also to Wendell
Wilson for executing the photography, for
preparing the other illustrations, for
providing information on early collectors,
and for locating references in the
Mineralogical Record Library. It should be
noted that the Record Library was an
invaluable resource in the preparation of
this article.
Bibliography
AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY (2003)
The nature of diamonds, www.amnh.org/exhibitions/diamonds.
Australia-Mining: Diamond Mining-Overview,
www.mbendi.co .za/indy/ming/dmnd/au/au/p0005.htm.
BANCROFT, P. (1984) Gem & Crystal Treasures.
Western Enterprises/Mineralogical Record.
488 pages.
BARRON, L. M., LISHMUND, S. R., OAKES, G.
M., BARRON, B. J., and SUTHERLAND, F. L.
(1996) Subduction model for the origin of
some diamonds in the Phanerozoic of eastern
New South Wales. Australian Journal of Earth
Sciences, 43, 257-267.
BORN, I. (1790) Catalogue Methodique et
Raisonne de la Collection des Fossiles de
Mlle. Eleonore de Raab. J. V. Dcgen, Vienna,
vol. 1, p. 56-61.
Botswana-Mining: Diamond Mining,
www.nbendi.co.za/indy /dmnd/af/bo/p0005.htm.
BOURNON, J. L. Count de (1815) A Descriptive
Catalogue of Diamonds in the Cabinet of Sir
Abraham Hume, Bart. M. P. John Murray,
London, 33 pp. plus 4 plates.
CASSEDANNE, J. P. (1989) Diamonds in Brazil.
Mineralogical Record, 20, 325-336.
COLLlNS, D. S. (1982) Diamond collecting in
northern Colorado. Mineralogical Record, 13,
205-208.
DESAUTELS, P. (1970) Paul Seel-gentleman,
scholar & mineral collector. Mineralogical
Record, 1, 4, 11, 31.
Diamond Cutters-Diamond History (2003)
www.diamondcutters .com/history.html.
GRICE, J. D., and BOXER, G. L. (1990)
Diamonds from Kimberley, Western Australia.
Mineralogical Record, 21, 559-564.
GURNEY, J. J., LEVINSON, A. A., and SMITH,
H. S. (1991) Marine mining of diamonds off
the west coast of southern Africa. Gems &
Gemology, 27, 206-219.
HARLOW, G. E., Ed. (1998) The Nature of
Diamonds. Cambridge, England; Cambridge
University Press/American Museum of Natural
History. 278 pages.
HAWTHORNE, J. B. (1975) Model of a
kimberlite pipe. Physics and Chemistry of
the Earth, 9, 1-15.
JANSE, A. J. A. (1992) Is Clifford's rule
still valid? Affirmative examples from
around the world. In MEYER, H. O. A., and
LEONARDOS, O. H., eds., Kimberlites, Related
Rocks and Mantle xenoliths; Proceedings of
the Fifth International Kimberlite
Conference, Araxa, Brazil, 1991, Comphania
de Pesquisa de Recursos Minerais, Brasilia,
Brazil.
JANSE, A. J. A. (1995) A history of diamond
sources in Africa: Part I. Gems & Gemology,
31, 228-255.
Advertisement
JANSE, A. J. A. (1996) A history of diamond
sources in Africa: Part II. Gems & Gemology,
32, 2-30.
KIDWELL, A. L. (1990) Famous mineral
localities: Murfreesboro, Arkansas.
Mineralogical Record, 21, 545-555.
KIRKLEY, M. B., GURNEY, J. J., and LEVINSON,
A. A. (1991) Age, origin and emplacement of
diamonds: scientific advances in the last
decade. Gems & Gemology, 27, 2-25.
KRAJICK, K. (2001) Barren Lands: an Epic
Search for Diamonds in the North American
Arctic. Henry Holt & Co., New York, 442
pages.
LEVINSON, A. A., GURNEY, J. J., and KIRKLEY,
M. B. (1992) Diamond sources and production:
past, present and future. Gems & Gemology,
28, 234-254.
LEVY, A. (1838) Description d'une Collection
de Mineraux, formee par M. Henri Heuland, et
appartenant a M. Ch. Hampden Turner, de
Rooksnest, dans le Comte de Surrey in
Angleterre. F. Richter et Haas, London, vol.
3, p. 434-442.
MAILLARD, R., Ed. (1980) Diamonds: Myth,
Magic and Reality. Crown Publishers, New
York, 287 pages.
MAWE, J. (1812) Travels in the Interior of
Brazil, Particularly in the Gold and Diamond
Districts of that Country. Longman, Hurst,
Rees, Orme and Brown, London, 364 p. plus 3
plates.
MEYER, H. O. A. (1985) Genesis of diamond: a
mantle saga. American Mineralogist, 70,
344-355.
MOHS, F. (1804) Des Herrn Jac. Fried, von
der Null Mineralien-Kabinet. Published in
Vienna at the expense of the owner; vol. 1,
p. 3-16.
MOORE, T. (1993) What's new in minerals?
Tucson Show 1993. Mlneralogical Record, 24,
219-230, 237-238.
MOORE, T. (1995) What's new in minerals?
Tucson Show 1995. Mineralogical Record, 26,
215-230.
MOORE, T. (1997) What's new in minerals:
Tucson Show 1997. Mineralogical Record, 28,
201-216.
ROME DE EISLE, J. B. L. (1767) Catalogue
Systematique et Raisonne de Curiosites de la
Nature et de l'Art, qui composent le Cabinet
de M. Davila. Chez Briasson, Paris, vol. 2,
p. 277-278.
Sierra Leone-Intro-Danger Finder,
www.comebackalive.com /df/dplaces/sierrale/intro/htm.
SOWERBY, J. (1817) Exotic Mineralogy: Or,
colored Figures of Foreign Minerals,as a
Supplement to British Mineralogy. Arding and
Merrett, London, vol. 2, plate 118 and
accompanying text on p. 39-45.
STIEGLITZ, C. L. (1769) Spicilegium
quarundam rerum naturalium subterranearum
Lipsiae. Breitkopf, Leipzig, plate 21, fig.
I. Reprinted (1992) as Specimens of Some
Natural Things from Underground in a Leipzig
Collection, Mineralogical Record, Tucson,
plate 21 and p. 46.
SULLIVAN, B. (1978) Letter from Europe.
Mineralogical Record, 9, 367-369.
Tanrange Exploration-President's Corner-Fri
jun 27, 2003 (2003) www.tanrange.com/s/PresidentsCorner.asp?ReportID=6
3285.
WEBSTER, R. (1983) Gems: their Sources,
Descriptions and Identification. Fourth
Edition. Butterworth & Co., London, 1006
pages.
WILLIAMS, A. F. (1932) The Genesis of the
Diamond. Ernest Benn Limited, London. Two
volumes, 636 pages.
WILLIAMS, G. F. (1905) The Diamond Mines of
South Africa. Macmillan, New York. Two
volumes, 359 and 353 pages.
Thomas Moore
5755 East River Road, #1317
Tucson, AZ 85750
Copyright Mineralogical
Provided by ProQuest Information and
Learning Company. All rights Reserved
Illicit
diamonds: Africa's curse
Just as the
history of Arab States is intimately tied to
the discovery of oil in the region, the
discovery of diamonds in Africa has not only
impacted the continent's history, but has
been one of the leading causes of conflict.
The link between diamonds and conflict in
Africa and the role of international
players in the illicit diamond trade were
recently discussed at a seminar in Nairobi,
Kenya, on resource-based conflicts organized
by the Society for International
Development's East Africa Chapter. It is
interesting to note that Africa's most
conflict-ridden countries--Angola, Sierra
Leone and the Democratic Republic of the
Congo--are also the most diamond-rich
countries on the continent, as well as the
most poor and under developed. Conflict or
"blood" diamonds have fuelled wars and led
to the massive displacement of civilian
populations in many African nations. While
conflict diamonds represent a small
proportion of the overall diamond trade,
illicit diamonds constitute as much as 20
per cent of the annual world production. The
level of illegality gives an opportunity and
a space for conflict diamonds.
The link between diamonds, poverty and
conflict is evident in countries such as
Sierra Leone, where the rich alluvial
diamond fields of the Kono District and
Tongo Field were among the most prized
targets of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF).
In 2000, Partnership Africa. Canada (PAC)
published a report entitled "The Heart of
the Matter: Sierra Leone, Diamonds and Human
Security", which placed much of the blame
for the civil war in the country on
diamonds, describing them as "small bits of
carbon that have no intrinsic value in
themselves, and no value whatsoever to the
average Sierra Leonean beyond their
attraction to foreigners".
The report recounts the corrupting of Sierra
Leone's diamond industry, from peak exports
of 2 million carats a year in the 1960s to
less than 50,000 carats by 1998. The
country's despotic President during much of
this time, Siaka Stevens, had tacitly
encouraged illicit mining by becoming
involved in criminal or near-criminal
activities himself. When the RUF began
waging a war in 1991, Liberian leader
Charles Taylor acted as mentor, trainer,
banker and weapons supplier for the
movement. The RUF also took on the role of
diamond supplier to the illicit
international trade. "It is ironic", says
the report, "that enormous profits have been
made from diamonds throughout the conflict,
but the only effect on the citizens of the
country where they were mined has been
terror, murder, dismemberment and poverty".
The PAC report supports the idea that there
was virtually no oversight of the
international movement of diamonds. In the
1990s, for instance, billions of dollars
worth of diamonds was imported into Belgium
from Liberia, even though the latter
produces very few diamonds. This can only be
explained by the fact that big and small
companies were colluding in the laundering
of diamonds in West Africa, using Liberia as
the conduit country. Much of the laundering
was done by local Lebanese traders who have
been living in West Africa for over a
century.
Lebanese immigrants began arriving in
West Africa as refugees fleeing the hardship
caused by the silk-worm crisis which struck
Lebanon in the mid-nineteenth century.
Among the earliest recipients of those
immigrants were Senegal and Sierra Leone,
then under European colonial rule. According
to Lansana Gberie, a researcher who has
written about the Lebanese connection in
Sierra Leone's diamond trade, since the
1950s, "diamonds have been the linchpin of
Lebanese business and a range of
subterranean political activities".
In her paper, "War and Peace in Sierra
Leone: Diamonds, Corruption and the Lebanese
Connection", published by the Diamonds and
Human Security Project in 2002, Gberie
describes the beginnings of the Lebanese
trade in diamonds: "Diamonds were discovered
in Kono District, in eastern Sierra Leone in
1930, and that same year, as word of the
discovery spread, the first Lebanese trader
arrived in Kono and set up shop, ahead of
colonial officials who did not want to
establish a district office there until two
years later. They were also ahead of the
British-owned Sierra Leone Selection Trust,
which was granted exclusive diamond mining
and prospecting rights for the entire
country in 1935. From that time until 1956,
when an alluvial diamond mining scheme was
enacted, it was illegal for anyone not
working for the Trust to deal in any way
with diamonds. However, illicit mining
activities were rampant, with many Lebanese
subsequently settling in Kono and funding
Africans to mine and sell their finds to
them."
In the 1950s, the illicit diamond mining
and smuggling increased dramatically,
and it was estimated that 20 per cent of all
diamonds reaching the world's diamond
markets were smuggled from Sierra Leone,
largely through Liberia and mainly by
Lebanese and Mandingo traders. In later
years, civil war often revolved around the
control of this illicit trade. In 2002, a UN
Expert Panel reported that the then
"interim" leader of the RUF, Issa Sesay, had
flown to Abidjan late in 2001 with 8,000
carats of diamonds that he had sold to two
traders of undisclosed identity, who were
apparently using a Lebanese businessman to
run errands for them between Abidjan and the
Liberian capital, Monrovia. Some reports
suggest that the UN peacekeeping force in
Sierra Leone may have also become involved
in the RUF illicit diamond trading.
In 2001, shortly after the 11 September
attacks in New York and Washington,
D.C., the Washington Post found another link
in this most secretive and highly lucrative
trade--that of international terrorists. In
an article published on 2 November 2001, war
correspondent Douglas Farah stated that the
Al Qaeda network "reaped millions of dollars
in the past three years from the illicit
sale of diamonds mined by rebels in Sierra
Leone" and that three senior Al Qaeda
operatives had visited Sierra Leone at
different times in 1998 and later. He
further claimed that the West African
Shi'ite Lebanese community was sympathetic
to Hezbollah and often served as a link
between the RUF rebels and Al Qaeda.
However, according to Gberie, much of the
evidence linking West Africa's Lebanese
community to global terror networks is
largely "anecdotal and circumstantial".
In the last few years, however, the
illicit diamond trade has come under
scrutiny from many quarters, which makes
it much more difficult for middlemen and
smugglers to operate. Since 1999, PAC has
undertaken a programme of policy research,
education and advocacy to ensure that the
international diamond industry operates
legally, openly and for the primary benefit
of the countries where the diamonds
originate. It has also extensively published
reports that have uncovered the secret
dealings and James Bond-style manoeuvres of
the middlemen and smugglers in the industry
who operate often with the full knowledge
and approval of Governments (or rebel
movements), and act as conduits for diamonds
smuggled from neighbouring countries.
In May 2000, an international certification
process for rough diamonds, known as the
Kimberley Process, was initiated by the
Government of South Africa. Concerned about
how diamond-fuelled wars in Angola, Sierra
Leone and the Democratic Republic of the
Congo might affect the legitimate trade in
other diamond-producing countries, more than
35 nations have been meeting on a regular
basis to develop the system, which was
established in 2003.
In Sierra Leone, the diamond certification
system was instituted in October 2000, four
months after the UN Security Council passed
a resolution that banned diamond exports
until a certification system was set up. In
the twelve months after the system was
introduced, legal exports rose from $1.3
million to $25.9 million worth of diamonds.
However, PAC believes that many of the
better quality diamonds are still being
smuggled and are not going through the
official certification system. In other
words, the illicit diamond trade continues
to operate through informal agreements that
are sealed with a nod, a wink and no paper
trail.
Author
Rasna Warah, a freelance writer based in
Nairobi, is a Board member of the East
Africa Chapter of the Society for
International Development.
COPYRIGHT United Nations Publications,
COPYRIGHT Gale Group
Diamonds are
forever - and greed
MANY SEE
EXPENSIVE diamonds as the perfect gift for
their significant others. Yet, couldn't some
other gem have the same impact? There is an
extraordinary logic to the diamond trade:
Diamonds are presumed of value because they
are pricey. Consumers are told they are
pricey because they are rare and expensive
to cut. Are they really? After all, flawless
diamonds can be produced in a laboratory. A
"mined" diamond and a "lab" version are
tough to tell apart. Little wonder, since
both are crystallized carbon. Of course,
concern over the price of gems pales in
comparison to the horrible sight of children
whose arms have been amputated by the thugs
who tam diamond mines in West Africa, or the
knowledge that Al Qaeda trades in diamonds
purchased from these same mines.
Responding to the outcry of its citizens,
Congress passed the Clean Diamond Trade Act
in 2003 to guarantee that gems purchased
in the U.S. be free from all human rights
abuse. Is this legislation working? Are the
diamonds in our stores guaranteed to be
clean? I set out to answer these and other
questions using the Freedom of Information
Act. I searched the records of the Justice
and State Departments for information on
this lucrative trade and on De Beers, the
company that controls 65% of the world's
diamond supply. In 1942, the Justice
Department began an investigation of De
Beers that is still ongoing. I went through
thousands of pages of intercepted cables,
spy reports, Nazi documents, and eye-opening
mail. These brutal diamond wars have been
going on fur decades. Moreover, terrorists
have long used the precious stones to fund
their egregious activities.
Documents reveal highly secretive
price-fixing operations that run rings
around the Justice Department, Congress, and
the White House. The strategy is quite
simple, actually: American diamond merchants
pick up their supply from De Beers in London
where U.S. laws banning exploitative price
fixing do not apply. De Beers moves diamonds
along clandestine routes used by drug barons
and arms merchants. I traced these trails, I
found De Beers has its own area in
Switzerland's Zurich Airport where, as a
customs official explained to me, it can fly
in a diamond from Africa, and, within a day,
legally arrange for it to be given papers
identifying it as Canadian. The United
Nations claims that this tactic makes it
near impossible to trace terrorist-linked
diamonds. De Beers, incidentally, is
controlled by a family company registered in
Liberia.
International trading statistics show
that diamonds sent from Switzerland to the
United Kingdom surprisingly multiply by
three times en route. In 1982, for example,
UK customs recorded 10 times more stones
arriving from Switzerland than Switzerland
said it had sent. Some years, by similar
means, thousands of gems vanish into thin
air. As for the diamond-producing countries
of South Africa, Namibia, and Botswana,
their gems may seem to disappear from
international circulation overnight.
After reviewing documents and traveling
around the world to investigate the many
leads they supplied, I wrote a proposal fix
a television special called "The Diamond
Empire." It appeared in 1994 as a
feature-length "Frontline Special" on PBS
and as a three-part BBC series. Filming was
not an easy project to complete. Everywhere
I went. De Beers had phoned merchants
telling them not to speak with me.
Gradually, though, I untangled The diamond
cartel's web, shooting footage in India,
Europe, and the U.S. Then a gang broke into
my home and assaulted me, shattering several
of my facial I bled heavily from the wounds
head. The next day, there was a surprise
attempt to take over the documentary I
withstood this, but medical complications
soon set in. I spent two months in the
hospital. For two of those weeks, I was in
critical condition. I could not edit the
film myself. PBS cut it to my script, but
the BBC censored its version under heavy
pressure from De Beers. When I came out of
the hospital, I was determined to complete
my investigation and publish the findings
uncensored.
Diamonds once were genuinely rare--about
140 years ago--after the diamond mines
practically ran dry in India. Then
diamonds were discovered by the thousands
literally sparkling in the moonlight in
southern Africa. Merchants who had invested
huge sums of money in the few remaining
diamond mines in India panicked. They feared
their investments would plummet in value.
So, they funded South African politician
Cecil Rhodes to set up De Beers. He had all
the cash needed to buy up the diamond
deposits of South Africa. In return, he
agreed to sell the entire output to the
"Diamond Syndicate" comprised of these same
merchants. Thus, they kept the price high.
In the 1930s, the Oppenheimer family gained
control over De Beers and the Diamond
Syndicate.
I first became interested in diamonds in
1979. I was working on civil rights issues
with Aborigines in the far northwest of
Australia when a major diamond deposit was
found nearby in a sacred valley called
Barramundi Dreaming, where for centuries
women had gone to pray and meditate. Some of
these women took me to see the site before
it was destroyed by the diamond rush. There
was a beautiful, sparkling stream surrounded
by fat-trunked boab trees. When I looked
into the water, there were hundreds of
diamonds, lying like glossy pebbles in its
bed. Later, I learned from local geologists
that there were up to 27 carats of diamonds
in every ton of rock underlying the stream's
headwaters. Today, this locale is an
enormous pit, full of excavators and tracks.
It is producing up to eight tons of diamonds
a year at a cost of less than $10 a carat.
Supposedly, De Beers was reaping a
mere one-fifth of a carat for every ton of
mined rock in Africa. However, Canada has
diamond deposits with four carats per ton,
and some Russian mines produce 10 carats a
ton. Why then were the South African mines
doing so poorly? I met a diamond prospector
who had worked as an overseer in De Beers'
mines. He told me that sometimes they broke
into pockets where gems were so plentiful
that they would tumble out onto the ground.
When this happened, the overseers literally
would shovel up the diamonds into buckets.
Was I being spun a story? I went to South
Africa to investigate and met with
miners and geologists working for De Beers.
They confirmed the details. In fact, I heard
tales of more than 3,000 carats of diamonds
tumbling out of the rocks within the De
Beers mines. In Kleinzee, I visited a vast
mine on the wild Atlantic coastline, where
diamonds lie under giant sand dunes roamed
by ostriches and edged by fierce surf. The
wife of the mine's chief geologist took me
on a tour. She commented on the fine gems
under the dunes and on the nearby sea floor,
washed from dormant volcanoes that hi
ancient times spilled diamonds onto the
Earth's surface. Offshore, De Beers' vessels
were sucking up gems from the seabed. On its
first trip, one vessel grabbed up nearly
5,000 large stones in a week. These are
canned like peas to keep them secure. The
head of the South African Diamond Board
imparted, "We do not shout it from the
rooftops, but diamonds are not rare, except
for some qualities."
I watched the mineworkers dig. Giant
excavators removed the sand. Some laborers
used vacuum hoses connected to large yellow
safes on wheels to swallow up exposed
diamonds. Others formed lines, bending over
to examine every tiny crevice in the rocks.
In one hand they held a brush, in the other
a metal prong, thus earning the nickname
"bedrock cleaners." They are paid so little
that De Beers calculates that it costs a
mere 40 cents a yard to clean a beach. The
company recently agreed to pay a minimum of
$50 a week, but not for long. It is
replacing the union mineworkers with
subcontracted laborers to be paid only
$20-30 a week. De Beers officially
calculates that each one of its 3,000 miners
at Kleinzee produces, on average, over
$1,600 worth of diamonds every seven days.
Many maintain that this estimate is quite
conservative.
I asked a group of black diamond mineworkers
if they bought their loved ones en gagement
rings. They laughed. "De Beers brings us
divorce, not love!" they claimed. They
explained that since they were in the lowest
wage bands, they were not entitled to
married housing. Instead, they lived in
single men's barracks. If their wives got a
job in the mining town, say as a cleaner or
cook, they had to stay in the single women's
quarters. They were punished if found to be
sleeping with their partners. This comes as
no surprise. Remember, De Beers helped
create apartheid in order to gain control
over its workforce.
The mine has very tight security. If
an ostrich accidentally is killed on the
grounds, its corpse has to go to company
security to make sure it has not swallowed a
diamond. The man who operates the X-ray
machine revealed that he had to give workers
a whole-body scan every day in order to
ensure that nothing was smuggled out. He
confessed he concealed the health danger by
not recording all the X-rays in the mine's
records. I subsequently investigated a
larger coastal mine--covering hundreds of
square miles--in Namibia, known historically
as "The Forbidden Zone." I found working
conditions there much the same.
I visited De Beers' inland mines as well,
including one where diamonds literally were
picked out of asbestos rock. The dust was so
thick that miners sometimes could not see
their fingertips. For protection, all they
bad was a simple nosebag--a piece of cloth
that was black with dust within 20 minutes.
Medical statistics were unobtainable; they
were kept confidential by De Beers. The
company also is able to conceal diamond
deposits by having them secluded inside game
reserves, where mining is forbidden. The
company allegedly trucks in antelope for the
sake of appearances. Another major deposit
was concealed within the Kalahari Desert in
Botswana, on lands traditionally owned by
people with the most ancient culture
surviving in our world, that of the Bushmen.
In 2002, the Botswanaan government evicted
the entire population, maintaining it was
for assimilation purposes. The Bushmen say
they have been moved to "death camps." De
Beers, however, has no intention of mining
these diamonds any day soon. They have
placed a concrete slab over the mining
shaft. De Beers Chairman Nicky Oppenheimer
even boasts that the concrete is so thick
that "I can land my helicopter on top of
it."
Nine in 10 of the world's diamonds are
cut in India by individuals who were paid 40
cents per gem. Those wages were slashed
to 20 cents in 2001. Today, the average pay
to cut and polish a diamond for the American
market is 23 cents. Eight-year-olds are
cutting diamonds. This industry is hazardous
because of fast-moving belts and airborne
diamond dust. I estimate that consumers are
paying at least 10 times too much for the
diamonds they purchase--but that is nothing
compared to the cost to exploited diamond
workers (many of them children) around the
world.
Author
Janine Roberts is the author of Glitter and
Greed: The Scorer World of the Diamond
Cartel.
COPYRIGHT Society for the Advancement of
Education, COPYRIGHT Gale Group